ICMLPO: We Will Not Pay For the Crisis or the Debt

No to the So-Called Merkel-Sarkozy “Budget Pact”

Long Live International Solidarity!

The crisis of the capitalist system is striking harsh blows at the countries of the European Unión (EU), which are falling into a recession or are still showing a certain growth. The policy imposed by the governments is the same: an austerity policy that falls exclusively on the workers, the popular masses and the peoples.

The consequences of those policies have repercussions beyond the borders of the EU. The oppressed peoples and countries of Africa are suffering from them through a harshening of the imperialist policy of looting of their material and human resources. The monopolies and the States at their service reinforce their worldwide competition and try to pit the workers and peoples against one another in order to reinforce capitalist exploitation.

Under the pretext of the weight of the States’ debt, the right-wing, social-liberal or coalition governments are trying to make the working class, peasantry, small business people and artisans, youth, women of the popular sectors, the broad masses of the cities and the countryside pay for the crisis.

From one country to another, the austerity plans are imposing wage cuts and tax increases, particularly indirect taxes that crush the popular masses. They are continuing and increasing the privatization and liquidation of the public services, particularly health care, education and social welfare.

Everywhere reforms prevail to extend the years of contribution, to reduce pensions and delay the age of retirement. While the young people have no work and are condemned to precarious jobs, the older ones are forced to work longer, harder and at lower wages. Women workers are particularly affected by these counter-reforms; they are employed in jobs and offices where the wages are lower and with precarious contracts.

These social give-backs are manifested in a severe degradation of the state of health of the pensioners and of families with children, who live below the poverty line.

The monopolies are pursuing their plans of restructuring and mass dismissals, to obtain greater productivity and profits. Unemployment, which particularly strikes the youth, is reaching record highs each month. The austerity policy is accompanied by the elimination of fundamental rights of the working class: the right to organize, to form unions and to strike. Labor legislation is modified to facilitate dismissals.

These anti-social policies are applied by the governments and coordinated at the European level. The “Euro Plus Pact”, the “Stability and Growth Pact”, and the latest European treaty written by Merkel and Sarkozy, are declarations of war against the workers movement, the union movement and the popular movement. Like all the European treaties, they want to “write into the constitution” the anti-popular policies dictated by the financial oligarchy and make them obligatory for all the countries of the EU.

The States are reinforcing their arsenal of repression and police surveillance. The criminalization of the social protest is increasing. Large demonstrations, the occupation of plazas and various mobilizations against the symbols of the oligarchy are growing. The bosses, the bourgeoisie and reaction are responding to this by criminalizing social protest.

Among the countries most under attack by the oligarchy are Greece, Italy and Spain. The austerity plans that take those countries back decades are following one after another. For the first time in the history of the European formation, supranational institutions, in this case the IMF, the ECB (European Central Bank) and the EU, have imposed the resignation of elected governments, which have been replaced by governments of so-called technocrats, who in fact are bankers, functionaries dependent on the national and international oligarchy, supported by the reformist and opportunist parties. In Greece, the troika has imposed ministers from a party of the extreme right. This is one more proof of the profoundly undemocratic character of this European formation at the service of the oligarchy, of the great imperialist powers such as Germany and France.

The banks want the peoples to pay for the debt that they themselves have created, and they demand that the States help them at a time of financial crisis. Now they continue increasing this debt by usurious interest rates on loans that they “grant” to the States.

The working class and the popular masses of Greece are not responsible for this debt that they have repaid several times over by the super-exploitation, the looting of the natural resources of the country, the sell-off of its patrimony, left to the voracity of the banks, the speculators, the big Greek bourgeoisie and the international financial oligarchy. We stand in solidarity with the Greek people and their refusal to pay the debt, their rejection of austerity and the “memorandum”, the latest version of the mega-austerity plans that have been imposed on them. The Greek people have clearly shown their rejection of all the parties that have agreed to submit to the demands of the troika: the EU, ECB and IMF.

German imperialism has come off better than its allies (and at the same time rivals) of the EU. However, the “German miracle” is based on a very aggressive policy of reduction of wages, flexibility on a large scale and massive recourse to precarious jobs within the country.

Given the increasing discontent and the willingness of large sectors of public and private sector workers to take part in the strike movement, the bosses and the government prefer to negotiate with the leaderships of the large union federations, an agreement that eliminates wage increases. Important sectors of the working class would have wanted more and preferred to initiate larger and broader confrontations with the employer’s association. This mobilization supposes the entry of the workers of Germany into the fight begun by the workers of Greece, Spain, Portugal, Italy and France, to refuse to pay for the crisis and the debts of the capitalist system.

The peoples do not support the arrogance of the representative of German imperialism, Merkel, and her intention to make them pay for the crisis while at the same time advocating austerity that brazenly interferes in the policies of other countries. The fact that her ally Sarkozy has been removed from power in France, clearly due to the mobilization of the workers’ and union movement, is contributing to her isolation.

Today it is more necessary than ever to develop the mobilization against the so-called “Merkel-Sarkozy” European treaty, to increase solidarity among the peoples and to fight against the xenophobic and nationalist campaigns that try to make the peoples fight among themselves.

The parties of the extreme right are playing an active role in propagating these reactionary ideas. They proclaim their hatred against immigrants and “foreigners”, while they take advantage of the increasing discredit of the traditional parties of the right and the social-democrats, to make populist and nationalist speeches concealed by social phrases. The fight against the extreme right involves mobilizing broad masses of the workers and peoples to refuse to pay for the crisis of the capitalist system.

An Upsurge of Social and Political Protest

The rejection of the austerity policy continues to grow in all the countries. The spontaneous strike movements are linking up with the broader movement and the general strikes organized in different countries are mobilizing millions of workers, youths, men and women of the popular strata.

The youth are taking up the social and political fight, together with the working class, other working people and the political organizations. The young workers are contributing their dynamism and fighting spirit, upsetting the policy and practice of class conciliation and collaboration.

In the area of concrete struggles, the aspiration for unity is great. This translates into the creation of programs that unite the parties, the union members and those of the associations… We Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations are participating actively in the formation of the resistance, with all our available forces. We contribute our political proposals and our platforms of demands that reflect the immediate aspirations of the masses.

This united front policy is an urgent and immediate necessity, because one must build the unity of the workers and the union of all strata that are victims of the policy of the oligarchy, to oppose the austerity policy that wants to make us pay for the crisis of the capitalist system.

Among the advanced sectors, consciousness is developing of the need for a global political alternative that breaks with the neoliberal and social-liberal policy, with the present policy of the oligarchy.

The aspiration for unity of the forces that are fighting against that policy, that are fighting against the capitalist system and for a revolutionary change in society is growing. Basing ourselves on these aspirations, we are working for the building of an alternative that breaks with the capitalist system.

In several countries political fronts have been formed that distance themselves from the socialist parties, from the social-democrats, from those who alternate in Power with the parties of the right. Although in many cases these political fronts are limited to electoral fronts, we are fighting for them to take root in the masses, to make them embryos of really popular fronts.

In this united front policy, we Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations do not conceal our banner. We are continuing our fight against the system of imperialism and its policy of domination, of exploitation of the peoples and of war for the control of raw materials. We are fighting for a revolutionary transformation of society and we are waging a fight for political unity, for unity of action, for the unity of the rank and file and at all levels, against the opportunist positions of class conciliation.

For the Next Period We Must Pay Attention to the Following Objectives and Areas of Common Struggle

* To denounce and fight the so-called “Merkel-Sarkozy” European treaty that seeks to inscribe in the constitutions of the European countries the neoliberal dogma of “reduction of national debt”, under the pretext of generalization of the austerity policy.

* To support and develop the refusal to pay the debt, especially in Greece, and to denounce and fight against the interference of the imperialist powers, the troika. The Greek people must be free to decide their political options.

* To support the right of each people to decide whether or not to remain in the euro zone, without interference, blackmail or pressure from other countries, specifically the imperialist powers and their supranational agencies.

* To develop solidarity with the struggle of the workers, the peoples and their political, union, social organizations, etc., of the countries of the EU and the countries of the world that are facing the same policy.

Paris, May 2012

Conference of the Parties and Organizations of Europe that are Members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (CIPOML):

Communist Party of Albania

Communist Party of the Workers of Denmark – APK

Communist Party of the Workers of France – PCOF

Organization for the Construction of the Workers Communist Party of Germany

Organization for the Reorganization of the Communist Party of Greece (1918-1955)

Communist Platform of Italy

Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) – PCE (ML)

Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey – TKP

Source

Nikos Zachariadis: But for our internal misery do not blame only the foreigners…

But for our internal misery do not blame only the foreigners.The British find in our country obedient and loyal minions, who worked the same, so obedient and loyal, as to Germans and Italians. It is the traitor plutocracy which has not a patriotic and national belief and the sold to foreigners and bankrupted Greek politicians who do not currently offered to our country other than selling out, humiliations, debasements and destruction.

 – Rizospastis, 15.1.1946, From Speach of N. Zachariadis in Volos on 14-01-1946

Source

Nikos Zahariadis: Tito Clique’s Stab in the Back to People’s Democratic Greece

From For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 15 (42), 1 August, 1949

Nikos Zahariadis
General Secretary,
Communist Party of Greece

Every inhabitant of Greece knows very well that monarcho-fascism would not have been able to hold out for a few months had it not been for the all-round and open aid of the American and British imperialists.

Our main difficulties arise from the fact that the Anglo-American imperialists are stubbornly trying to retain a foothold in Greece. The country is highly important to them for strategic reasons, and they are trying to turn it into a vital bridge head against the People’s Democracies and the Soviet Union. Churchill’s old plans in this respect, for instance, are well-known. However, foreign imperialism’s positions in Greece were badly shaken last year by the military defeat of monarcho-fascism in the Grammos-Vitsi area and by the collapse of its strategic plan for 1948. The People’s revolutionary movement and the democratic army extended and consolidated their positions in Peloponnesus, Rumelia, Thessaly and on the islands of Samos and Eubeia.

This placed the monarcho-fascist regime in a critical position. In their reports General Papagos, Vendiris, Tsakalotos and others openly admitted that army morale had been shaken. Hundreds of men and officers were shot. King Paul himself was compelled to speak about the moral crisis in the army. The Athens clique was in severe economic difficulties and the political crisis was steadily sapping the foundations of monarcho-fascism. Both at home and abroad, people who were by no means our friends began to realise that the only way out for the reactionaries was to reach a peaceful settlement and conclude an agreement.

The treachery of the Tito clique was disclosed at the very moment when the crisis of monarcho-fascism was coming to a head. Tito’s treachery meant serious new difficulties for our people’s democratic movement, for it strengthened the determination of the Anglo-American imperialists to retain, at all costs, their hold on Greece for the very purpose of making full use of the Tito clique and extending their base in the Balkans. At the same time the Tito clique’s over to the camp of imperialism raised the deflated hopes of monarcho-fascism.

The people’s democratic movement of our country has never, since the time of the first occupation, known of such a cunning and foul enemy as the Tito clique. The Great Serbia chauvinism of the Titoites in relation to the resistance movement in Greece was evident as far back as 1943, when the leadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party declared that the people of Aegean Macedonia could only win their liberation within the framework of Yugoslavia. The corollary of this was that it was the prime duty of all Macedonian patriots to fight against the Communist Party of Greece and EAM and instead to collaborate with the Tito agents.

This was the directive followed by Tito’s man in Aegean Macedonia, Tempo (Vukmanovic). This was the directive applied in practice by their chief agent, Goce. Today is it being carried out by Goce-Koramidjiev gang. During all these years the Tito clique sent thousands of its agents into the Communist Party of Greece and into EAM with the job of undermining the Communist Party of Greece and splitting the unity of the people’s liberation movement.

It is clear that Greek reaction and Anglo-American imperialism could not have found a better ally than the Tito clique. The following detail is extremely characteristic: in October 1944 when the British landed in Greece, Tempo at the head of the provocative movement against the Communist Party of Greece, informed the Communists of Aegean Macedonia that he has asked Tito for two divisions to occupy Salonika. This was before the December events; the British were not sure that they could hold Greece. Preferring to see Salonika occupied by Tito than in the hands of ELAS, the British parachuted weapons onto the aerodrome at Grupista. These were sent on to Vapsori by Tito’s agents – Tempo, Goce and Pios – to be used against ELAS. Even during the Hitler occupation Goce and Pios formed groups of Macedonian and collaborated with Tempo. It can be regarded as an established fact that, as a consequence, Evans, former representative of the British military mission in Macedonia, insisted on the network of these groups being extended. It was at the help of these groups that Goce, Pios and Keramidjiev carried out their disruptive activities against the people’s liberation movement in Greece.

In December 1944 Tito, who dreamt of snatching Salonika from people’s democratic Greece, did nothing to help us fight the British, in spite of all his earlier pompous statements. If anything, he stepped up his slander campaign against the Communist Party of Greece, especially Aegean Macedonia.

Tito organised the mass emigration of Macedonians to Yugoslavia thus depriving Aegean Macedonia of its Macedonian population. Incidentally, the Greek monarcho-fascists have been trying to the same thing for many years, hoping to change the ethnical composition Aegean Macedonia. Then again, the Titoites are trying to recruit agents from these refugees who, after the necessary training, are sent to Greece to operate against the Communist Party of Greece, EAM and our people’s revolutionary movement.

Since 1943 the Greek Communist Party and revolutionary movement have been two fires: on the one side the foreign imperialists and monarcho-fascist, on the other- the Tito clique and its executive organ, the Goce- Keramidiev gang which had and still has hundreds of Yugoslav intelligence servicemen in Aegean Macedonia. In 1944, acting on orders from Skopje, Goce crossed over to Yugoslavia with his detachment. Today Goce and Keramidjiev have their headquarters in Skopje.

Time and again the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece drew the attention of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party to the counter-revolutionary actions of these agents, proved by irrefutable documentary evidence, and demanded that their activities should be stopped. The Central Committee of the Yugoslav Party, however, did not do a thing to cut short these provocation actions.

It has been proved beyond doubt that Hristos Vlachos, who in 1947 in Salonika killed Yannis Zevgos, a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Greek Party, was an agent of the Yugoslav intelligence, service and had received his instruction from Skopje. He arrived in Salonika on orders of the Yugoslav intelligence, placed himself at the disposal of General Zervas, an agent of the British Intelligence Service, and later murdered Zevgos. Five monarcho-fascist officers, some of them murderers of the people, escaped to Yugoslavia from a war prisoner’s camp with the help of Rankovic. The Central committee of the Yugoslav Party stated that it knew absolutely nothing about this, even though we gave them details of the date and the exact spot where the monarcho-fascists had crossed the border. Border officers and soldiers had informed us that the monarcho-fascists had crossed into Yugoslavia.

We have captured dozens of Yugoslav intelligence officers. In December 1948 two Yugoslav agents, Gunaris Menos and Gallios Mitsos, were detained in Prespa. These agents disclosed the names of the Yugoslav intelligence officers who had sent them and the assignment they had been given.

The Communist Party of Greece has at its disposal other damning proof of the treachery and disruptive activity of the Tito clique against the revolutionary movement in Greece. The nationalist gang of the treacherous Yugoslav leadership was always a mortal enemy to the Communist Party and people of Greece. Recent events are fresh evidence that the Tito clique helped and is continuing to help Greek and international reaction against the Greek people more and more openly.

In its communiqué of July 6, 1949 the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army stated that on July 5, 1949 monarcho-fascist troops used Yugoslav territory in order to bypass units of the Democratic Army in the Kaimakchalan area. The same day the “Free Greece” telegraph agency, basing itself on an official document (the report of lieutenant colonel Petropulos, commander of the monarcho-fascists’ 516th battalion, to General Grigoropulos, commander of the 3rd army corps), reported that on July 4, 1949, that is, on the eve of the day when the monarcho-fascists crossed Yugoslav territory, a meeting of Yugoslav and monarcho-fascist Greek officers had been held in the area of Popovolossi and Kaimakchalan. This meeting was attended by British and American officers. The Tanjug agency did not refute this fact, neither did the representative of the British Foreign Office when asked about this meeting. Again, neither did Tito deny it in his speech at Pola (Istria), on July 10, 1949. Like the Tanjug agency, he merely tried to refute the fact that an agreement had been reached allowing the monarcho-fascist to use Yugoslav territory.

Such was the Belgrade version when the United Nations Balkan Commission in Athens published its communiqué on July 21, 1949. The sole aim of this communiqué was to cover up Tito’s collaboration with the monarcho-fascists, a collaboration that had been laid bare by the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army and the Free Greece radio on July 6, 1949. This communiqué of the Balkan Commission is highly significant since, to begin with, for the first time in its history the Commission admitted that the monarcho-fascists had violated the Yugoslav frontier in the Kaimakchalan area on many occasions. It claimed, however, that this had been done by artillery and aircraft and not by infantry. Secondly, the communiqué admitted that a meeting of monarcho-fascist and Yugoslav officers had been held in the Kaimakchalan area.

After the Tito clique’s betrayal of the Greek people’s liberation struggle had been exposed in the eyes of progressive mankind and the Yugoslav people, the Yugoslav leaders found it necessary to mobilise yet another provocateur. On July 24, following the example of Tito and Djilas, Kardelj also made a statement to Tanjug on the Greek question. He denied everything: the agreement with Tsaldaris, the negotiations in the Kaimakchalan area, and the use of Yugoslav territory by the monarcho-fascists. He concluded by giving the Jesuit assurance that the Belgrade Government “continues to sympathise” with the movement of the Greek people, but that it “cannot force its assistance on them” and that “the agents of the Information Bureau who slandered Tito” are responsible for this.

We have never doubted the sympathy of the Yugoslav people. As for those who are responsible, “The Times” makes it clear when it writes that in his statement at Pola, Tito gave the Americans the necessary guarantees in advance for the dollars which he needs.

In order to mask their treachery, the traitors Tito, Djilas, Kardelj and company would have the world believe that morale of the Greek democrats is at a low ebb and that they are losing confidence in victory. As a matter of fact these Titoites are doing everything to undermine the morale of the Greek democrats. Tito’s treachery and his long-standing subversive activities against the people’s democratic movement in Greece are causing us serious difficulties. Tito has a deadly hatred for the Geek people’s liberation movement and is viciously fighting against it. But he is mistaken, and so are his monarcho-fascist allies and their common masters, if they think that they will be able to crush us.

Throughout Greece – in Rumelia, Thessaly, Peloponnesus, Epirus, Macedonia, Thrace and on the islands – the Greek Democratic Army is continuing its struggle against the enemy with unshaken courage in the face of enormous difficulties. A broad strike movement covering tens of thousands of factory and office workers is gaining strength in the cities. Hundreds of thousands of peasants who are literally starving to death in the cities where they have been forcibly driven by the monarcho-fascists, hate the Athens Government with all their soul. Reaction in Greece is in the throes of an economic, political and moral crisis from which it can find no way out. The Greek Democratic Army will come face to face with monarcho-fascism in the great battles that will be fought in Grammos and Vitsi.

We are fight because we want peace, because we want to establish democracy and the independence of Greece. Reaction is out for war. It wants to crush us at all costs and is using the Tito clique for this purpose. Thanks to the assistance and solidarity of progressive mankind, including the Yugoslav people, the people of Greece will be victorious both in war and will win a people’s democracy and national independence.

Source

Nikos Belogiannis on Stalin & “Stalinism”

Stalin embodies the aspirations and desires, hopes and dreams of millions and billions of people. It is the personification of an era, the most historical era that the humanity has seen so far, the great Stalinist era, the era of communism.

— Nikos Belogiannis, Speech of the 70th birthday of the Great Stalin (“Anasintaxi” issue 107, 1-15/4/2001)

Source

VI Congress of Emek Partisi

From En Marcha
# 1562 January 5 to 13, 2012

Resolution

We support the peoples who have rebelled for their rights and their freedom; we condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran.

Throughout 2011, the Arab peoples of North Africa and the Near East have risen one after another. They do not want to be victims of the consequences of the hegemony of monopoly capitalism nor to be subjected to poverty and unemployment, and they rejected the repression of the autocratic dictatorships that safeguarded such hegemony. The despotic regimes that have lasted for 30 to 40 years have been the main reason for the disorganization of the oppressed masses and have served as an obstacle to their attaining consciousness. The peoples who have risen up have achieved some victories but they have not been able to reap important fruits of this struggle, such as for example to achieve their own political power. Therefore, these reactionary bourgeois forces supported by Western imperialism have maintained or have tried to maintain their hegemony through the strengthening of their pillars with new collaborators, seeing that their hegemony was in difficulty.

The Arab peoples, who have risen up, have realized their potential and have tasted certain victories, which is why their struggles have still not been repressed in any country except for Libya. Despite their low level of consciousness and organization, the peoples are carrying forward their uprisings with an effort to try to overcome their weakness, and they insist on opposing the attacks by reactionary forces that have been organized especially by elements of political Islam, which has become more moderate and pro-American in almost all those countries.

We understand that the communist parties and organizations that are signing this document, gathered at the Sixth Congress of the Party of Labor of Turkey, express our pride and solidarity with the struggles of the masses of the people, not only in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Near East, but also in Europe, from Spain to Greece, and in Latin America, from Venezuela to Ecuador, for their social and popular rights and freedoms; as well we proclaim our support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people against the Zionist imperialism of Israel.

However, we are aware of the fact that our main weakness is the inadequate level of consciousness and organization of the peoples of the world, with a view to any process of struggle. The imperialists and their collaborators take advantage of this weakness in their efforts to renovate the weakened bases of their hegemony and to repress those struggles through ideological penetration and infiltration in those struggles of the peoples that imperialism claims to support, manipulating these struggles towards their own interests and eliminating the popular features of these struggles.

Western imperialism, which maintains hegemony in its hands and tries to strengthen its position in relation to the ascending imperialist powers, not only aims to reinforce its hegemony in the countries under its influence through the repression of the popular struggles, but also tries to establish its hegemony by extending its influence on the peoples and their struggles and using them as a tool in countries such as Syria and Iran, which have not yet been subjugated.

We do not support the regimes of either Assad or Khamenei. However, we stress the fact that the imperialist powers are intervening with the support of the reactionary forces in the region such as Turkey and the Saudis, in the name of support for the so-called “opposition” in Syria and Iran under the pretext of the struggle for “democracy” and “repression of the dictators”; these policies have nothing to do with the right of self-determination of the peoples or the democratic and social aspirations of peoples. We are opposed to imperialist interventions – economic as well as political and military – for whatever reason, whether they are called by their obliging collaborators or not, and we condemn such policies that only lead to war, bloodshed and suffering.

We call on the peoples of the world, especially the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be alert to the interventions and imperialist tricks such as those that have taken place in Libya, to show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to support the fight against imperialism and its reactionary forces.

Ankara, December 2011

Communist Party of Albania
Communist Party of Benin
Party of Labor of Belgium
New Party of Cyprus
Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Spain (ML)
Organization for the Reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece
Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia
Emek Partisi of Turkey

Source

William Z. Foster on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism

“Stalin has further developed Marxism-Leninism through many invaluable theoretical accomplishments. His principal contributions to Marxian theory lie in indicating the path of the actual building of socialism in the U.S.S.R. Thus, his powerful polemics against Trotsky, Zinoviev, Bukharin and their counterrevolutionary affiliates comprised the greatest ideological struggle of our times. They clarified every aspect of the vast and unique problem of building socialism in one country, and surveyed the whole position of international capitalism. They resulted in a decisive victory for the leadership of the Communist Party and, thereby, of socialism.”

“Stalin has raised the whole Marxist-Leninist structure still another stage higher by revealing the path to the actual building of socialism and the development toward communism.“

“Leninism-Stalinism also was the theoretical basis of the international policy of the people’s front, the historically imperative tactic to unite the masses of workers, farmers, professionals and small business people in the capitalist and colonial countries in effective struggle against fascism and for democracy.”

(William Z. Foster, “Lenin and Stalin as Mass Leaders” The Communist, Vol. XVIII, No. 12, December 1939)

Source 

Georgi Dimitrov on Stalinism

The social-democrat lackeys often call us “stalinists” and they think that in this way they insult the communists. But we are proud of this honorary appellation as we are proud of the appellation “leninists”. There is no greater honor for a revolutionary than being a true leninist, a true stalinist, a devoted disciple of Lenin and Stalin until the end. And there is no greater happiness for the communists than fighting under the guidance of Stalin for the triumph of the international proletariat’s just cause. Not everybody can be a stalinist. The honorary appellation “leninist-stalinist” has to be won through bolshevik struggle, persistence and unlimited devotion to the cause of the working class”

(G. Dimitrov “Stalin and the international proletariat”, 1939).

Source 

Dimitris Glinos on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism

“Stalin, in the era of socialist reconstruction of society on the conditions of the struggle against the reactionary fascism enriched Marxism-Leninism with many elements which developed in new social conditions. Marxism, worldview and lively method of the proletariat and the Communist Party developed in Leninism-Stalinism, gives a unique sound knowledge of the world and the way of action for change in the interest of social progress.

The current social reality of the terrible warfare which came from the internal contradictions of capitalism and fascism imposed by a testament to the correctness of Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism”.

(Dimitris Glinos, “Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism”, Communist Review, Athens, June 1943, pp. 391-392)

Source 

Nikos Zachariadis on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism

“It is our duty, armed with the theory and the method of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin, the ideological arsenal of Marxism – Leninism – Stalinism, to study and dissects Greek life and reality with a time of changes and developments to analyze and know the modern Greek, local peculiarities and characteristics, to illuminate the Greek beam path to people’s democracy and socialism – communism”

(Nikos Zachariadis, “Marxism-Leninism in Greece”, Communist Review, Athens, June 1946, p. 5)

“4. If Leninism is the passage from imperialism to the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, Stalinism is the transition to socialism under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Stalinism in theory illuminated the path of socialism and made him become true. But this is only a part of it.

7. So what is Stalinism? Stalinism is Marxism – Leninism of the era of socialism. The victory of socialism in one sixth of the world, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, is the main motive, created the foundation for the victory of the world revolution.”

(Nikos Zachariadis, “Positions on the History of KKE”, June 19, 1939, chapter 7. Taken from “Nikos Zachariadis: Selected Works”, Publication of the CC of KKE, April 27, 1953, pp. 38-41)

Source 

Joint Statement on the situation in the Middle East

January 16, 2012

Support the people who have risen up for their rights and their freedom! We condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran!

During 2011 the Arab people in North Africa and the Middle East stood up, one after the other. They did not want to be exposed to the consequences of monopolistic capitalist hegemony, as unemployment and poverty. They said no to oppression from the autocratic dictatorships that have watched this hegemony. But the 30-40 year-old despot regimes has been the main cause of the disorganization of the oppressed masses and has also prevented them from developing their awareness. The people who stood up have won some victories, but could not reap the real fruits of their struggle, to be able to form their own political power. At the same time, these bourgeois reactionary forces, supported by Western imperialists, preserved or try to preserve its hegemony by strengthening the power base with its new partners, although this hegemony has encountered certain difficulties.

The Arab people who stood up realizing their potential and tasted victory, and their struggle has not yet been turned down in any country, except in Libya. Despite the low consciousness and organization continues their people revolt and tries to overcome their weaknesses. They insist on resisting the reactionary forces that have reorganized themselves, especially through the advent of political Islam, which has been moderate and pro-American in almost every country.

“We oppose all imperialist interventions, whatever pretext”

We, the undersigned revolutionary communist and working parties that meet the Turkish Labor Party 6 Congress, expressing our pride and solidarity with the peoples’ mass struggles, not only in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East, but also in Europe, from Spain to Greece, and in Latin America, from Venezuela to Ecuador, who are fighting for their national and social rights and freedoms, and we declare our support for the Palestinian people’s just struggle against imperialism and Israeli Zionism.

However, we are also aware of the fact that our biggest weakness is the inadequate consciousness and organization level of the world’s people, whether to rebel or other fields. And the imperialists and their collaborators exploit this weakness in attempts to renew the decaying basis of its hegemony and suppress the fighting by infiltrating the ranks of the people they claim to support, by manipulating these games in their own interest and remove them from their popular content.

The western imperialists, who have world domination in their hands and trying to strengthen its positions in competition with the rising imperialist powers, has not only aims to strengthen its domination in the countries that traditionally have been under their influence by suppressing the people’s struggles but they are also trying to establish its hegemony by influencing people and their struggles and use them as lifting rods in countries like Syria and Iran, as they have not been able to force the knee.

We support either Assad or Khamenei regime. But we also underlines the fact that when Western imperialists intervene with support from the reactionary forces in the region, the Turkish and Saudi reactionary forces, under the pretext of “democracy” and “dictator’s repression” has such a policy has nothing to do with people’s right to self or with people’s social and democratic aspirations.

We oppose all imperialist interventions – economic, political and military – whatever pretext, whether they are invited by the cooperative lackeys or not, and we condemn such a policy, which only brings war, blood and tears.

We ask all people of the world, and particularly the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be on guard against the imperialist interventions and traps in the style of the Libyan example, to show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to continue the struggle against imperialism and the reactionary forces .

Ankara, 20.12.2011

Albania’s communist party
Benin Communist Party
Belgium’s Labour
Cyprus’ new communist party
Ecuador’s Marxist-Leninist Communist Party
Spanish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninists)
Organization for the reconstruction of Greece’s Communist Party (Anasintaxi)
Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party (PCOT)
Turkey’s Workers’ Party (Emek Partisi)

Source

KKE 1918-55: Chronology of world-wide actions of protests against the shooting of workers in Zhanaozen

The bloody events in the Mangistauski region on December 16th have triggered a wave of indignation worldwide. Soon after the news of the shooting made it to the outside world the diplomatic missions of Kazakhstan have faced actions of protests and solidarity with the ailing workers and peaceful residents.

On December 18th in Tel-Aviv a demonstration in solidarity with the oil workers of Kazakhstan took place in front of the embassy. The demonstration was organized by the workers union “Strength to the workers”, the Arab-Jewish social movement “Tarabut” and the movement “Socialist struggle”.

In Moscow the first demonstration of solidarity took place the evening of December 16th in front of the embassy of Kazakhstan. The comrades of the committee for a workers international put up a poster with the slogan “Now in Kazakhstan a peaceful demonstration of workers under strike is being attacked”. People passing by would stop and ask questions about the events in the country. Having learned about the events in the country people expressed their repudiation and discontent. Police officers in charge of security at the embassy would also express indignation. Later in the day people, mostly left activists, would come and leave flowers tied with black ribbons. On December 17th a second action of protest and solidarity with the workers of Kazakhstan took place in Moscow. Rank-and-file citizens organized via social networks showed up at the embassy of Kazakhstan to bring flowers in order to express their felt condolences with those workers and innocent civilians of Zhanaozen who lost their lives and to protest against the Kazak authorities. No embassy officials came out to communicate with the demonstrators.

Communists of the Leningrad committee of the Russian Communist Workers Party (RCWP), the left organization “Rot Front” (not officially registered as a political organization), and comrades from leftist organizations put together a picket line under the banner of the workers union “Zaschita”. The picket line was organized on December 17th in front of the Consulate General of Kazakhstan in the presence of a large police contingent. Diplomatic officials refused to communicate with the picket line. A statement addressed to the president and deputies of the Kazakh parliament with the demand to stop violent action against workers and an expression of solidarity with those who struggle against the dictatorship of Nazarbaev was read out in public and was attached to the gate of the Consulate General.

Riot police form a line in Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan

The evening of December 16th youth organizations of leftist orientation gathered at the embassy of Kazakhstan in Kiev. A demonstration took place to demand the immediate cessation of violent action against peaceful residents of Zhanaozen. Diplomatic officials of Kazakhstan thinking that those gathered convened to congratulate them with the “day of independence” came out to greet the demonstrators. When they understood the intent of the demonstration they run away back into the premises without being able to answer questions. Demonstrators laid flowers and attached to the gates of the diplomatic mission black ribbons and placards with slogans such as “Oil is not worth blood”, “Stop the shooting of peaceful civilians”,
“Authorities of Kazakhstan are killers”.

That same date and at the same time few tens of representatives of leftist organizations, including the association “Borotba”, left opposition forces RKAS, independent anarchists and others, came out to the Consulate of Kazakhstan in Odessa. In memory of fallen representatives of the working class, left activists brought flowers and a five-pointed star made out of candles, a symbol of international proletarian solidarity, was drawn under the walls of the diplomatic mission. The security service behaved aggressively, especially the official in charge, who physically harassed peaceful demonstrators and tried to confiscate the camera of a journalist. Nevertheless, the self-confidence of the leftist activists prevented further hostile action on the side of security forces. Few brief speeches took place protesting against the action of killers dressed in police form and with a emotional support of comrades in Kazakhstan.

On December 16th in the German town of Aachen an action of protest was organized by socialists and leftists to protest against the killing of oil workers and their supporters in Kazakhstan. Despite the heavy rain and low temperatures, residents of Aachen expressed strong interests towards the events in Kazakhstan and gave a strong signal against the actions of the Kazakh authorities.

A Kazakh riot police officer patrols in center of Zhanaozen, Kazakhstan, Saturday, Dec. 17, 2011. Violent clashes broke out Friday between police and demonstrators in an oil town in western Kazakhstan. Authorities in Kazakhstan said Saturday that they have restored order to an oil town rocked by fatal clashes between police and demonstrators. (AP / AP)

In Dublin, Paul Murphy, a deputy at the Euro-parliament from the Socialist party of Ireland and other members of the same party organized a picket line in solidarity with the Kazakh workers under attack by the authorities. The picket line got a strong support from automobiles passing by.

In Sweden there is no Kazakh embassy. As a result, the Kazakh company “Telia” was the targeted by protesters. This is a former government-owned telecommunication company that controls 98% of the grid network for mobile telephones in Kazakhstan. In the evening of December 16th in the Swedish towns of Stockholm, Goteborg and Lulea activists of the Committee for workers international distributed leaflets. Many people passing by expressed solidarity and disgust by comparing the Kazakh regime with those taken down by revolutions in the Arab-speaking world. In addition to various actions of protest, the Socialist party of Equality contacted various newspapers and unions to inform them about the bloody events.

A group of members and sympathizers of the socialist party of Belgium together with assistants to the deputy of the Euro-parliament Paul Murphy, organized an action of protest at the embassy of Kazakhstan in Brussels. Members of the socialist party of England and Wales also protested in London in order to support the struggle of the oil workers.

On December 16th the “Socialist Alternative” in Germany organized an action of protest in front of the Kazakh embassy in Berlin. Few documents were handed to embassy officials. The most important among of the documents was a letter of protest signed by three members of the Bundestag and members of a leftist organization. Activists also handed to the deputy of the Kazakh ambassador a letter from “Socialist Alternative” and another form Kristina Lenert, a deputy of the city hall in Rostock. The embassy official accepted the letters after the police (which he himself contacted!) showed up.

In Austria two actions of protest against the policies of Kazak authorities were organized: One near the Kazak Consulate in Graz and another near the Consulate in Vienna. During the action in Graz by passers were outraged by the events in Kazakhstan and reacted warmly to the organizers of the protest. In Vienna a Consulate official met the protesters. A letter of protest was handed to him.

Bodies in the morgues of Zhanaozen

Other organizations around the world expressed their discontent with the violent actions inflicted on workers and residents of Zhanaozen: The Communist Party of Greece, the Greek union PAME, the Communist Party of Bielorussia, Poland and Azerbaijan, the Russian Congress of Soviets of workers, specialist and state officials, the All-Ukrainian strike committee and several other unions, the Kazak organization in Poland “Wspolnota Kazachska”, the Conference of unions of Russia, the World Federation of unions, the International Conference of Unions.

On December 20th-21st a new wave of protests followed in Germany. On December 20th the “Socialist Alternative” organized simultaneous protests in Cologne and Berlin. On December 21st in Hong Kong an action of protest was organized in front of the building of the Kazak Consulate. Activists promised to launch a program of protests near the buildings of corporations linked to the oil business in Kazakhstan. On that same day Russian activists organized another picket at the monument to Engels in Moscow. On December 23rd activists of Rot Front demonstrated in front of the Embassy of the Republic of Kazakhstan in Moscow. Since December 16th picket lines take place on a daily basis at the embassy of Kazakhstan. Citizens keep bringing flowers.

At this stage a new campaign of protest coordinated internationally is being discussed. The deputy of the Euro-parliament from the Socialist party of Ireland, Paul Murphy, has collected the support of 47 deputies of left orientation and has declared about the formation of an international commission to investigate the massive shooting of workers and peaceful civilians in Zhaoneze and the village of Shetpe on December 16th, 17th and 18th. Russian civil rights activists are now willing to organize support for the workers by initiating the collection of signatures addressed at the Russian authorities to put pressure on Astana (the capital of Kazakhstan. Note of translator). They are also willing to participate in the campaign of protest to free Natalia Sokolovaya, a union attorney currently in custody of the Kazak authorities.

The struggle and the actions of protest continue.

Distributed by Proletarskaya Gazeta, 25.12.2011.

Source

More photos from PAME-”K”KE stance on October 20

Members of "K"KE-PAME in front of police forces uphold the Greek Parliament using sticks and helmets

Members of "K"KE-PAME attacked protesters during the second day of the 48-hour general strike (October 19-20)

None of these photos were published in "Rizospastis". newspaper of "K"KE

Source

The reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: Impact force of the capital upheld the reactionary bourgeois parliament

Surprised thousands of workers striking protesters and anti-fascists of various political orientations and members-but fans of “K” KE-PAME who were in Constitution Square the second (20 Ochtovri) day of 48-hour strike they first saw the reformist leaders to assume stewardship the reactionary bourgeois parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, ie the imposition of bourgeois legality, with the “excuse” the safeguarding of “own” ie that the concentration of PAME, apparently replacing the police and the civilian Army who uses the bourgeoisie when the police are inefficient and unable to fulfill this “pious” work ie to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime.

The surprise, of course, thousands of demonstrators strikers are entirely justified, because this phenomenon is completely new to the action of right-wing opportunists antistalinikon-antizachariadikon leaders and such a shameful act anepanastatiki happens for the first time in the history of the local political process chroustsofikis social democracy: to take the reformists leaders of the “K” KE-PAME’s role and work of the Police ie guard the bourgeois parliament and ensure that civil legitimacy and the full replacement. But this ignominious fate of the reformist leaders was not a random and isolated incident, nor was an error estimate: instead it was expected and inevitable, is not new, and perhaps the last link in a long chain in the course of constant betrayal of social democratic Khrushchev “K” JV starting from the mid-50 when protosygkrotithike (March 56), after the violent revolutionary Communist Party from the brutal intervention of Khrushchev, Brezhnev, etc. therein, from the Soviet treacherous chroustsofiki group as an outset antistaliniko antizachariadiko-urban, social democratic type party.

For antistalinikous-antizachariadikous opportunist leaders of the new reformist “K” KE (56) are the words of Lenin’s old social democracy, “the factors of the labor movement who belong to the opportunist trend are the best defenders of the bourgeoisie, despite themselves bourgeoisie “(Lenin), and” there just is the starting point and the current counterrevolutionary role of the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME open civil defense system by challenging employees to uphold the reactionary bourgeois parliament, evolution surprise for thousands of workers and protesters has the background to – default but from the chroustsofiki direction – two important stages, before it reaches the end-Ochtovri of 2011, which is essential to fully brief report that will highlight the best and convincingly Today’s revolutionary energy and their inevitable outcome, over a period of sharpening class struggle.

1.Dekaetia of 80: the disgraceful stewardship of the Embassy of the U.S. imperialists with the Police

When in November 1980, the state University, the Government of monarcho-fascists party SW (Prime Minister G. Rallis) ordered the police to attack protesters who tried to “break” the fascist prohibition on the road to the American Embassy, ​​with the result that many hundreds of injured protesters and murder of a young laborer Stamatia Kanellopoulos and Cypriot student James Koumi, leader of bourgeois party PASOK and Papandreou that the social democratic “K” KE X. Florakis instead condemn the government of murderers denounced the demonstrators and attributed to these bloody episodes caused by the fascist police attack, with instructions of Prime Minister G. Rallis (son of worthy collaborators father Ioannis Rallis occupation Prime Minister appointed from the German conquerors).

In another time, in 1981, won the elections PASOK bourgeois, and the then new Prime Minister has allowed for the first time the continuation of trajectories in the American Embassy (as in 1981 banned the marches by the government of New Democracy party monarcho-fascists in the U.S. Embassy, ​​allowed only as the Constitution).

From the very first time the Embassy of U.S. imperialists not only patrolling the police and members-fans of “K” KE was always lined up in front in chains and behind them stood fully armed riot police, a practice that continued for decades. Many of the members-fans (unfortunately employees-naive victim of a treacherous policy) of the “K” KE guarded fanatically, synofryomenoi and scowl, the Embassy of the United States, ready to “sacrifice” for not done any ” provocation “and” abandoned “the notorious ‘parliamentary’ road to the” great change “and” socialism “they promised at the time the twin policies apateoniskon Papandreou Florakis.

This was the first time that chroustsofikoi leaders “K” KE guarding a stranger – not Greek – capitalist building (U.S. Embassy) and even the building, symbol of sovereignty in our country of the U.S. imperialists, the biggest and most bloody imperialist power of our time, and that the name of “cancellation” of any “provocation” by taking a role and fulfilling a mission that was-always belongs to the Police and the Army rather than urban workers – these two key institutions of the bourgeois state and the main supports of the power of the reactionary bourgeoisie.

2. December 2008: by the mighty uprising of the student youth and the side of the reactionary bourgeoisie

The cold-blooded murder, in December 2008, from the Police Karamanliki the young 15 year old student Alexis Grigoropoulos sparked a known militant and the glorious uprising of student youth from end to end the country’s murderous violence against police and police terror – a monumental and unprecedented rebellion panicked and terrorize the whole bourgeoisie (all bourgeois and reformist parties) but also disrupted for nearly one month across Europe (“the risk that the insurrection in Greece to xaplothei and the rest of Europe,” says representatives capital in different countries of the EU, the strong echo of came as Latin America.

Then, maybe some remember the panic Prime Minister Costas Karamanlis and Ministers of the reactionary government had disappeared for nearly a month of politics and life of the bourgeoisie had to retrieve that month the Papariga-Karatzaferis elevating the records to government representatives and ministers of Public Order with statements claiming that the daily events of those days was a “project abroad”, ie that this magnificent uprising of youth motivated and guided by supposedly “external enemies” or else: Papariga ” masked the nucleus has been designed abroad, “Karatzaferis’ patrons Parakentro abroad behind the attacks”, etc. or even Papariga “draft domestic and foreign centers riots» («Real news »21/12/2008, p. 1), etc. etc. – reactionary statements, misleading and defamatory in nature, at the expense of the great uprising of the student youth, published in the bourgeois and fascist type of those days (” Today’s “,” Adesmeftos Type “, etc.) with fasistofyllada” Today’s “praise and public headlines, the” audacity “, meaning the betrayal of the leadership of social democratic” K “KE:” Only the Communist Party dared to clash openly with the nuclei of which praktoriskon perform the dirty destabilization plan “(” Today’s “15/12/2008, p. 1).

After Papariga along with the entire leadership of Khrushchev “K” KE shifted provocative aproschimatista and fiercely against the mighty uprising of the student youth, disparaging the extra in the most vulgar and reactionary way, and passed off with its policy stance on camp of reactionary bourgeoisie – at a time sharpening of class struggle - the guy leading the bourgeois fasistofyllada the “Today’s” invited directly to use in practice members, fans of the urban “K” KE as IMPACT FORCE for smashing the rebellion the Young and “restoration of order of democracy”: “If the police are unable to take their … CITIZENS OR KKE restore order of democracy” (“AVRIANI” 19/12/2008, p. 1).

Despite the appeals section of the urban type led by “Today’s” leaders “K” KE did not dare to “commit suicide” so early (knowing that they have to offer future services, and difficult moments in this chapter as available), downloading the streets of Athens, batter kranoforon armies to suppress the rebellion of youth, members of the IR “K” KE preferred to “roost”, the entire December, the ‘fortress’ of Perissa (no one disagreed) as katatromagmena chicks, looking for warmth, tranquility and comfort beneath the decrepit icy trembling wings panicked sosialimokratissas A. Papariga, perhaps feeling some relief and joy listening to all-night prayers, prayers to “God” and religious melodies of reactionary neo-orthodox theousas ethnikistrias L. Kanellis to “exorcize” at every opportunity the “possessed” and unruly pupils and begged the “Almighty” to the “enlightenment” to finally stop the protests and leave off the “great evil” and “disaster “he found the country. “Heeded,” ultimately, melodic prayers from the “Almighty” that saw be born “divine child” on December 25 (= school holidays and early closure) and thus ended the protracted “tragedy” of the country ie “tragedy” of panic reactionary bourgeoisie that had fitness and military units prepare for surgery at the center of Athens. Already he had failed to lock-outs of the Karamanlis government to close schools-schools that had then promoted from the reformist leaders of the “K” KE through “K” Ne (“Announcement of press office of PA KNE”, 7 / 12/2008) on the affected than those student-student youth to ‘shut down schools and colleges, the universities and colleges, the vocational training institutes and schools of OAED, night schools “(” P “9/12/2008, p. . 15), ie to become practice that required by the reactionary government of Karamanlis attitude forced to leave the familiar “Press Release of the Association of Teachers of Panteion University ‘:” This morning (11.12.08), the Panteion University ended with initiative Panspoudastikis students who relied decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Throughout the post-dictatorship period has not happened close to University decision partisan institution …. “ These are some of the few” exploits “in those days the lackeys of capital reformist leaders of the” K “KE, along of course with that, completely forgotten today, fascist inspiration and content anekdiigito “story” titled “The wrong call a murderer” (“P” 28/12/2008, “7 days together”) reminiscent of the Nazis as-fascist propaganda of Hitler period in Germany.

3. Ochtovris 2011: ensure-imposition of bourgeois legality – upholding the reactionary bourgeois parliament

The stewardship of the U.S. Embassy along with the Police from the early 80′s by the leadership (Florakis) of the Social “K” KE and fiercely hostile attitude toward leadership Papariga grand uprising of the student youth (in December 2008 ) are the two most important before the 48-hour strike of October (2011), a landmark anepanastatikis action of this Civil Party, because in the first case noted, first, converting members of supporters of the “K” KE on army police soldiers guarding the embassy of an imperialist country, while in the second case mentioned, the political attitudes of leadership, open passage into the camp of the bourgeoisie – a passage that rightly led the bourgeois press (the most blatant example fasistofyllada “Today’s”) to called because of the inability of the police, led by “K” KE to download members-supporters to the streets to quell violent with armies batter-kranoforon the rebellion of youth, ie to use them as shock troops of the capital, substituting Police and city army.

If this day of 48-hour strike (19-20 Ochtovri 2011) the effect of PAME had two important characteristic aspects: a) that permanent scabs mechanism of urban governments (ND-PASOK) with scabs separate character disruptive concentrations (systematic and permanent division in favor of capital, strikes urging the reformist leaders of GSEE-ADEDY) and b) that of worship and apotheosis of bourgeois legality, ie the voluntary acceptance of the covered behind the so-called “safeguard the paths’ PAME, for which the leadership posts whenever the congratulations and praise of the respective governments and the leadership of Police, and recently, for the umpteenth time, the bourgeois “NEW” fully justified, they note that “the safeguarding of the paths GO get ‘excellent’ by the Police” and “senior officer ELAS says features “that” together we have peace of mind, we know how to protest and will not open nostril, rarely cause episodes “to mark the bourgeois tabloid : “the police presence more often than is typical” (“NEW”, 22-23/10/2011, p. 27), the last day of the 48-hour strike (20 Ochtovri) appeared, added a third new and very important but also much more dangerous for the workers and trade union movement: that of defending the act of reactionary bourgeois regime and safeguard-enforcement of bourgeois legality, in consultation with the government of PASOK and the direct cooperation of the police.

And now to the question of safeguarding the civil parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, ie the imposition of bourgeois legality of the last day of a 48 hour strike.

First two issues are not disputed by any one, nor from the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: 1) that the “encirclement of the House” and 2) that the “encirclement” of the House “had nothing to do with preventing Members enter the House. “

On the first, the reformist Social Democrat G. Perros, a leading member of PAME, protested Wednesday (19.10.2011) the concentration of Concorde, “everyone in the encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads’ ( “P” 20/10/2011, p. 10) and “now encircle the House from all sides” (“P” 20/10/2011, p. 8), etc. etc..

On the second, a commentary by former partner and like-minded social democrats of Khrushchev (member of the JV period Koligianni), and current Deputy Prime Minister I. Pangalos, who said in a televised broadcast that “Aleka Papariga invites people to encircle Thursday the House to prevent Members to arrive at Parliament for the enactment of polynomoschediou,” the ” Rizospastis’ response, apologoumenos and angry, he wrote the truth: “this is a lie and slander drawn. PAME, organized this mobilization is not intended as p m e d i m in a (Signed ours) for Members to vote “(” P “18/10/2011, p.6), then cites Papariga extract statement the previous day: “to clarify the following: the encirclement and exclusion of the House decided by unions and other organizations, which support and will support, has nothing to do with preventing members from entering the House “(” P “18/10/2011, p.6) – an” intelligent “in koutoponiria proposal-energy (at the suggestion apparently consulting the bourgeoisie), but first and foremost, and this is important, highly e u INVITATION d e t r-action proposal for the government of PASOK, the reactionary bourgeoisie and all parties in a moment of great and deep crisis of the bourgeois political system and the sharpening of class struggle. Therefore, “the encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads’, and d e d a m n emphasis is ensuring attendance of Members of Parliament (under the protection of kranoforon-batter PAME), no was to protect the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME to ‘thousands of toil who marched with flags’ and’ the movement itself “(” P “21/10/2011, p. 10), ( those of PAME is their right, but because truth and “the movement itself?” Who authorized them to do so? whether the “Almighty” Ave Kanellis?), but to guard from all sides and from all streets the bourgeois parliament ie to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime and to ensure, enforce the same civil legitimacy, in cooperation with the leadership of Police – a collaboration that could not be hidden nor A. Papariga when asked if PAME had cooperation with the police, admitted public saying: “in my opinion is correct, I would say that time can not interfere with the police” (“P” 21/10/2011, p. 3) and confirmed the “new” officer of the Headquarters of ELAS: “We asked the demonstrators not to intervene PAME” (“News” 21/10/2011, p.8).

But the “excuse” of “Rizospastis’ and social democratic leaders of the” K “KE-PAME that” encirclement and exclusion of the House “supposedly aimed” to bring the popular mobilization of such pressure, to reject the bill “to achieve “more MPs to vote against the bill” (“P” 18/10/2011, p. 6), is completely punched and completely indefensible. True because there were even greater pressure to be all strikers protesters gathered in one room and in front of Constitution Square and were supposedly “more pressure” scattered in the surrounding streets “circling” the House, probably by reducing the size, volume of the demonstration?

Regarding “K” KE-government cooperation is clearly confirmed, furthermore, from the shameful logydrio Papariga of the House (and even after the unfortunate death of trade union PAME), which is monumental, and xetsipoti proklitikotati support and rotten a deep crisis of civil status.

With great satisfaction accepted the stewardship of parliament from the leaders of the “K” KE-PAME Members of all parties, who generously bestowed praise on GO, including the deputy prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos, who in the cabinet said the “Communist Party contributed to the management and maintenance of order,” as other series and Adonis Georgiadis, member of the Nazi-fascist LAOS, who said: “Today the Communist Party of Greece impressed. Firstly because the regime has behaved perfectly protecting the Parliament by hooded. I applaud this act. All through the House say fortunately there PAME around and is experienced yesterday’s »(« Alter », main news, 20/10/2011), but many journalists in the central news as Hadjinicolaou N. J. Pretenteris, etc. etc.

Finally, in conclusion briefly, the antistalinikoi-antizachariadikoi reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME to the “encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads” passed in the course of their counter-revolutionary action – a period of intensification of class struggle – for the first time in a completely new phase: first, upholding the bourgeois parliament, second, safeguarding it, defended the reactionary bourgeois regime, third, secured-imposed the “Order and Security” ie bourgeois legitimacy with batter- kranoforous of PAME in cooperation with the Police, the fourth in the enforcement effort of bourgeois legality substituted the Police-Urban Army, taking-fulfilling their duties, fifth, replacing Police-Urban Army, evolved, transformed in practice for the first time in IMPACT POWER Capital, dragging in this revolutionary and extreme dangerous urban direction thousand employees shall-believers with the vanguard of batter-kranoforous PAME (had so much discredited in the eyes of striking workers in the Constitution, but nationwide, that neither ” radical “dared leaves 21.22 and 23/10/2011 to publish photographs of” young men “thugs batter-kranoforon of PAME and has published and 3 leaves a host of other photographs).

Source

KKE 1918-55: The reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: Impact force of the capital upheld the reactionary bourgeois parliament

Photo: Members of PAME in the role of Riot police uphold the Parliament using sticks and helmets

Thousands of workers who were striking and protesting, anti-fascists of various political orientations, even members and followers of “K”KE and PAME in Syntagma Square outside the Greek Parliament the second day (October 20) of the 48-hour general strike were surprised when they saw the reformist leaders to assume stewardship of the reactionary bourgeois parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, i.e the imposition of bourgeois legality, with the “excuse” of safeguarding their “own” concentration (ie that the concentration of PAME), apparently replacing the riot police and the civilian Army which is used by the bourgeoisie when the police is inefficient and unable to to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime.

The October issue of Anasintaxi has an article with our position on the matter in Greek which can be found in http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com/2011/11/80-2011.html

Source

KKE 1918-1955 – PAME: at the service of capital, the divisive and strikebreaking role of its reformist leaders

On the occasion of its 3rd Panhellenic Conference

In the reformist “Announcement-call” of PAME (=”All Workers’ Militant Front”) (“Rizospastis”, 27/5/2007) on the occasion of its third panhellenic conference, it is mentioned that the founding of PAME, in 1999, is “an accomplishment of the working class” and that PAME acts according to the line of “class struggle”.

First of all it has to be clarified from the beginning that PAME is not a trade union and therefore it cannot initiate a struggle like calling a strike. As its name suggests, it is rather a coordination platform set up by various associations and trade unionists. Even so, both of the claims mentioned above are utterly demagogic and bear absolutely no relation to reality, that is, to the nature of PAME which is not revolutionary but a reformist trade-union platform as it is shown below. Consequently, PAME neither constitutes an accomplishment of the working class, nor adheres to the line of the “revolutionary class struggle” for the “fulfillment of the tasks corresponding to the needs of the working class” as most falsely its leaders purport for the sake of disorientating and deceiving the workers.

It must be emphasized that the truly revolutionary trade unions were schools of class struggle and schools of socialism-communism, in other words, they were always linking: a) the struggle for the economic and social demands with the political demands, giving priority to the latter and b) the anti-imperialist with the revolutionary struggle for the abolition of the exploiting capitalist system and the establishment of socialism-communism.

The revolutionary trade unions, as organs of struggle against the capital have permanently and constantly inscribed on their flag the revolutionary slogan of Marx: “abolition of the wages system”. As Marx emphasized: “the trade unions are the schools of socialism. In trade unions, the workers are shaped into socialists, because the struggle against the capital is carried out, on daily basis, before their very eyes” and Lenin also said that: “the working class limiting itself to the economic struggle, loses its political independence, allows itself to be dragged by other political parties, betrays the great emblem: the emancipation of the working class must be carried out by the workers themselves”

In complete contradiction to the above, PAME was founded from the very beginning, in 1999, as a reformist trade union platform guided ideologically by Khrushchevian revisionism that is opposite and hostile to the proletarian revolution and the whole Marxist concept of socialism. It continues along the reformist course of the World Trade Union Organization (WTO) which despite the fact that followed a revolutionary line, from its creation (October 1945) until the mid-50s, after the final dominance of Khrushchevian revisionism (1956) it degenerated into a reformist trade union organization abandoning the revolutionary and anti-imperialist line for good.

It is precisely the line of WTO, promulgated during the period of Khrushchev – Brezhnev – Gorbachev, which the PAME (“K”KE) reformist leaders follow today as well as its fraternal trade union organization A.P. (SYN). The reformists of PASKE (PASOK) are the same whereas the DAKE (ND) fascists were always representatives of the employers’ trade unionism. All these factions, participate in the Executive Committee of the reformist General Confederation of Greek Workers (GSEE) and the Higher Union of Civil Servants (ADEDY).

The PAME leaders are reformist not only because they have abandoned the line of revolutionary struggle and follow the line of class co-operation and limiting the struggle to economic demands but because they have also resigned from the immediate economic demands such as the salary payment for the 1st of May and the return of all the money stolen from the Insurance Institutions. Moreover they play a divisive and strikebreaking role through the separate rallies they organize. Concerning the imperialist war against Iraq, they showed, like the “K”KE leadership, a pro-American and pro-imperialist attitude because, during the war demonstrations: a) they adopted the slogan “Greece out of the war”(!) instead of the right anti-imperialist one: “Anglo-American imperialist occupation forces out of Iraq” not blaming thus the Anglo-American imperialists and b) they supported and continue to support the Quislings of the fraternal Iraqi “C”P that welcomed the invasion and participated in the first puppet government installed by the Anglo-American forces.

A. The divisive role of the PAME reformists

During the last years, the PAME leaders organize, on permanent basis, separate rallies on the of 1st May causing thus a split in the trade union movement not only on the higher but also on intermediate level across the country. Their excuse for doing this is that these divisive rallies offer allegedly by themselves the possibility to break away from the reformists and they are, therefore, of revolutionary character. It is, of course, obvious that the separate rallies neither distance the workers from reformist nor do they have by themselves an anti-imperialist and revolutionary character. On the contrary, the features that make the revolutionaries and the reformists essentially distinct and give the revolutionary content of a trade unionist rally are two: first, the general anti-imperialist and revolutionary line in combination with the violent overthrow of capitalism second, the revolutionary line of class struggle that defends the class interests of the workers and the wide masses maintaining an unbreakable unity between economic and political demands and always subdued to the general revolutionary direction.

If the separate rallies were by themselves revolutionary, devoid of the corresponding content, then, following this “criterion” of the PAME reformists, one would make the preposterous conclusion that this year’s separate rally for the 1st of May organized by the DAKE fascists was also a “revolutionary” one! Of course it was a counter-revolutionary and pro-capitalist rally apart from divisive.

A quick reference to the two separate PAME rallies on the occasion of the 1st of May (in 2005 and 2007) will show much better not only the divisive role of the PAME leaders but the abandonment of the defense of, even, basic reformist demands. Both rallies were reformist, in their content, because of the general Khrushchevian line and also because they didn’t satisfy the second condition, that is the defense of the current interests of the working class.

In the rally of the 1st of May 2005, the PAME reformists came up with the false dilemma: “1st of May, strike or bank holiday?” The harm of such a slogan to the interests of the working class can be properly understood if one considers the fact that in Greece the working class has accomplished, through a long struggle, so that the 1st of May is also a paid bank holiday besides a day of strike. This hasn’t diminished the size of the 1st of May rallies at all. However the reactionary Karamanlis government decided to abolish the bank holiday, that year and, thus, the leaders of PAME, using the above slogan were, in essence, completely identified with this decision. The result was that hundreds of millions of Euros went to the capitalists and the bourgeois state instead of the working people. On the contrary, in the rally organized by the GSEE-ADEDY reformists, the central slogan was “pay the working people” a fact that permitted the president of GSEE to criticize, from the left, the PAME leaders and accuse them of being at the service of capitalist interests. In the same separate rally for the 1st of May, the PAME reformists leaders didn’t defend even this particular economic interest-accomplishment of the working class but the interests of the bourgeois class, since, through their treacherous attitude, they made easier for the capitalists to pocket the millions of Euros that should have been paid to the working people.

In fact, the PAME reformist leaders, due to their treacherous attitude supporting the abolition of the 1st May bank holiday, placed themselves to the right not only of the reformists of GSEE-ADEDY-A.P. but also of the DAKE fascists; the latter, fearing the political cost, didn’t dare to express in public their approval of the government’s decision to abolish the 1st of May bank holiday: “DAKE issued an announcement whereby calls the government to move the bank holiday from the 1st to 11th of May, as had been done in the past”. So, the only trade union organization that supported this reactionary decision of the government was PAME. This was the reason why the PAME leaders were warmly congratulated by the fascist ND cadre A. Andreoulakos.

This rally of PAME wasn’t only a divisive rally but also a rally in favor of the abolition of 1st May bank holiday, in other words, it was a pro-government rally supporting the reactionary decision of the Karamanlis government.

In 2007’s rally for the 1st of May, the reformists leaders of GSEE-ADEDY had rightly adopted as central slogan the following: “return all the stolen money back to the Insurance Institutions” (as a response to the government-backed embezzlement of Insurance funds) whereas in their separate, divisive, rally the PAME leaders not only didn’t adopt the above slogan as the central one but not at all. Instead, they put forward the pro-governmental request voiced by the DAKE fascists asking for the return of all the money stolen from the Insurance Institutions since 1950 (!), that is to say, never. In this way, the leaders of PAME were aligned-identified with: a) the DAKE fascists and b) the reactionary Karamanlis government both of whom were against the return of the stolen money back to the Insurance Institutions.

In this case too, the reformists of GSEE-ADEDY were at the left of the reformist leaders of PAME.

The two above mentioned separate rallies organized by PAME on the occasion of the 1st of May clearly show that not only they were not revolutionary rallies but they didn’t seek to defend not even the concrete and rightful economic demands of the working people: a) to receive the payment for the bank holiday of the first of May (2005) b) to have all the stolen money from the Insurance Institutions returned (2007). These rallies of PAME were, therefore, reformist, divisive and pro-governmental.

On the 1st of May 2006, the reformist leaders of PAME committed an almost unprecedented treason since they didn’t appeal for a struggle against industrial capitalists and capital in general but only against the reformist leaders adopting the slogan: “Turn your back to the compromised trade unionists”.

Not surprisingly, PAME faces serious problems due to its divisive tactics. One of the its founding cadres, and a long-term member in its Executive Secretariat, T. Fotopoulos, mentioned the following in his resignation letter: “In OTE (Greek Telecom) the ESK (the “C”PG representatives) allied with ASSE (the K.A. representatives – a small group participating in PAME as well) and both went to the elections under a common slate called A.M. But the next day, having secured the election of its own members, ESK remained a separate faction and not a part of A.M although these people were elected as nominees of the latter!

PAME doesn’t take part in the anti-globalization actions except in WTO which they strive to resurrect by establishing a European Buro where they are the…sole members. The persistence of “K”KE and PAME to hold separate rallies has caused frictions with the few small groups with which formed or is forming an alliance like DIKKI or K.A

B. The strikebreaking role of the PAME leaders

The whole activity and the role of PAME is not only divisive – in the framework, of course, of reformism that dominates the trade union movement today – and in favor of capital; it has become, in addition, during the last years, something much worse in relation to working people strikes: PAME has become, with its separate rallies, the number 1 strikebreaking force in the reformist trade union movement. This because, on permanent and systematic basis – and not by mistake – it causes a split in the strike mobilization of the working people undermining its massiveness from the beginning.

Let’s take for example the latest strikes of sailors, schoolteachers, university teachers and university students.

In the case of the sailors’ strike, the trade union leaders of PAME, apart from breaking the strike, they also organized separate rallies that weren’t simply divisive but were, first and foremost, strikebreaking clearly aiming at the split of the sailors unity and the weakening of their struggle. They were strikebreaking rallies in complete coordination with the governmental strikebreaking mechanisms, in the framework of “K”KE-ND cooperation. Their attitude was so shamelessly pro-governmental that, while the barbarous police was attacking the rally held in solidarity to the tailors, the PAME reformist Manusogiannakis appeared on television not to condemn the fascist police assault but to distance the position of PAME from the event stating that the people beaten up by MAT (the infamous special police forces) didn’t belong to PAME!!!

In the case of the schoolteachers’ great and continuous strike that shook up the whole country, the PAME trade unionists in the Primary School Teachers Federation (DOE) not only rejected the strike and tried to prevent it but, when this started and for the duration, they were systematically undermining it through separate rallies of strikebreaking character. We pointed out at the time:

“Only the reformist trade union factions (PASKE-A.P-P.) voted for the five-days strikes of the school teachers that shook up the whole country, as it is mentioned in “Rizospastis” in relation to the strikebreaking attitude of ESAK-DEE (the PAME representatives in the DOE): “the votes of PASKE, A.P and P. added up and the program of action was decided” (“R”, 7/7/2006, p. 18).

The reformist leaders of ESAK-DEE, having initially rejected and sabotaged the decision for the repeated 5-days strikes, went on to slander them claiming that they allegedly serve very well the pre-election needs of PASOK, few days before the October municipal elections (“R”, 7/7/2006, p.18). When the great strike began, they directly undermined the unity of the striking struggle by organizing separate rallies, merging, thus, with the DAKE reactionaries into a unified strikebreaking mechanism in the service of the government. It is more than obvious, and the PAME leaders cannot fail to realize, that without unity it’s impossible to achieve the massiveness of the struggle, a necessary condition for its successful completion” (“Anasintaxi”, No. 236, 15-30 October 2006, p.3).

Finally, the leaders of PAME came up against of the university teachers and students struggle; they openly opposed to the schools’ occupations by the students and the continuous strike of the university teachers. When the struggle began, they tried desperately to thwart it and then, after their failure to achieve this, they undermined it by organizing separate strikebreaking rallies. As a matter of fact the leaders of PAME went so far to place their rally stand next to the one of POSDEP-OLME-DOE in one of the great rallies held by the latter in Syntagma square. We wrote then about that rally:

“The only “note of discord”, the only negative and harmful event in that rally was the separate, strikebreaking rally in Omonia square organized by the reformist leaders of PAME. But this time they weren’t limited to the separate demonstration but they made a further step: they provocatively set up, obviously under instructions by the Karamanlis government, a second platform in Syntagma next to the one of POSDEP-OLME-DOE, not confronting the government but the Teachers Federation leading the struggle.

That the strikebreaking activity of the PAME leaders is carried out under the instructions of the Karamanlis government and in the framework of “K”KE-ND cooperation, was shown once more by the fact that also in this rally the blocs of PAME were small (numbering about 1000 people) (“PRIN”, 14/1/2007, p.13). The blocs were consciously and purposefully kept small in size in order to fulfill the goals agreed on with the government: a) the PAME leaders act in a strikebreaking way at the service of the government’s strikebreaking tactics b) avoid to put pressure on the government (a greater number of participants in the blocs would increase the pressure on the government upsetting the “K”KE-ND agreement)

Just imagine what would have been the picture if the other reformist trade union organizations had also set up their own platforms or what would have happened if the Teachers Federations POSDEP-OLME-DOE, as the leadership of the struggle, had rightly demanded the removal of the PAME reformists” (“Anasintaxi”, No 242, 15-31 January 2007, p.1).

From the above, it is evident that PAME is a reformist trade union organization which not simply follows the line of class cooperation but, at the same time, it plays a divisive and strikebreaking role, in the framework of the trade union movement, and in certain cases, like the ones mentioned above, its position is on the right wing of GSEE-ADEDY. This strikebreaking role is fully integrated-aligned with the strikebreaking mechanisms of the Karamanlis reactionary government.

C. Only the path of unity in struggle can stop the capital’s attacks

In their “Announcement-call”, the PAME leaders mention that their trade union platform “unites the working people into a unified class fighting capital and its agents”. This claim is utterly false and it only aims at the disorientation and the deception of the working class since the UNITY of the working class presupposes an anti-imperialist and revolutionary line in the trade unions, which doesn’t exist in the case of PAME because its activity is guided by the reformist social democratic Khrushchevian views, that is, the reformist line that dominated WTO from the mid-50s onwards. PAME, as a reformist trade union platform, is dividing the working class, just like in the older times, the social democratic reformist trade unions did and today GSEE, ADEDY.

PAME is not dividing only the working class but also the reformist camp with its separate rallies. Moreover, with the separate rallies of strikebreaking character during any striking mobilization, they, from the very beginning, cause a rift in the unity of the working class, the MASSIVENESS of the mobilization making it unavoidably INNEFECTIVE.

The class conscious and revolutionary workers cannot but raise the following fundamental question: “Is the working class able to repel the capital’s attacks given the absence of revolutionary trade unions and, if yes, how?”

The answer to this, fundamental and vital for the working class struggle, question has been already provided by life itself in the past but also at the present and it constitutes the answer of the revolutionary Marxism. The working class is indeed able – despite the absence of revolutionary trade unions – to repel the capital’s attacks. This can be achieved only along the path of UNITY that secures the maximum MASSIVENESS, two absolutely necessary conditions that can guarantee the EFFECTIVENESS of the mobilization and yield victory for the working people. The case in which the Insurance Bill was withdrawn in 2001 (by the Simitis government) after the massive panhelenic strike (at that time PAME wisely didn’t dare to organize a separate rally) and that of great, massive mobilization of students and working people against the Contract of First Employment (CFE) introduced by the right-wing government of Dominique de Villepin in France show the only right PATH. The same is shown by the great, massive mobilization of students and university students in Greece that prevented the reactionary revision of the Constitution’s article 16.

Moreover, the massive popular mobilization in Latin America countries – despite the absence of revolutionary trade unions and revolutionary communist parties – not only repelled the attacks coming from the indigenous capital, the IMF, the International Bank but also repeatedly ousted whole governments in a number of subcontinent countries.

Finally, it is a common knowledge that the sporadic acts of mobilization organized by PAME didn’t repel any attack from the capital, didn’t have and couldn’t have had absolutely no result; they were simply acts that served the petty-party and propaganda purposes of the PAME-“K”KE reformist leaders and aimed at the deception of the working people.

D. Further developments

After the massive rally organized by GSEE-ADEDY on the12th of December 2007 in Athens and in other Greek cities, the social democrat G. Marinos (new member of the “K”KE Politburo), hiding the fact that the panhelenic strike was called by the reformist leaders of GSEE-ADEDY, seems to worry very much about the size (5 times larger than the one of PAME) and the large participation of working people, including “a great number of employees in Olympic airways, lawyers, engineers, journalists and doctors” in the massive rally in Athens. Then, ridiculing himself he invites the working people to “think twice” about the fact they joined their trade unions rallies and urges them not to participate in theses but to the divisive, strikebreaking, progovernmental ones of the reformist PAME. At the same time, he advertises it as an allegedly “class force” which follows “the line of class struggle” that secures “the unity of the working class”!!!

Source

KKE 1918-55: Svetlana Stalin, the last living child of Joseph Stalin, died

Joseph Stalin had three children: Yakov, Vasily and Svetlana.

Yakov was arrested by the Hitlerite in early July 1941 and executed on April 14, 1943 following the refusal of Joseph Stalin to the exchange with a German general.

As stated by cde Yannis Karastathis in his book “Against antistalinist – anticommunist hysteria” (Athens 1993) Stalin’s answer was explicit, concise and unusual for Germans and not only: “I won’t exchange a soldier for a Marshal. All the people (of the Soviet Union) are my children.”

Vasily was arrested by the Khrushchevits on April 28, 1953, was imprisoned for 8 years and exiled in Kazan where he eventually died on March 19, 1962.

As the historian V. Kadet (“Anasintaxi” issue 330, 15-30/9/2010) when Vasily Stalin was interrogated by the Khrushchevits, Vorosilof brought as an example Svetlana who was “living well and behave well” and asked Vasily:

“You will never meet her?”.

And he replied: “I do not know, we don’t meet each other see.”

“Why? She loves you.”

“A daughter who recanted her father can not be my sister. I never renounced my own father and will not do. I’m not willing to have any relation with her.”

Source

KKE 1918-1955: On the Occasion of the 60th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Greek Democratic Army

Article published in Revolutionary Democracy Vol. XIII, No. 2, September 2007.

In the end of spring of 1945, coming back to Greece from the German concentration camp in which he was imprisoned, Nikos Zachariades, the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Greece, came across and faced a specific reality.

a) A large political, progressive popular movement, predominating in every part of the Greek territory, inspired by the political and ideological principles and the epic of the fighting resistance of the Communist Party of Greece and the National Liberation Front. At the same time, he faced a movement ‘tired’ and ‘disappointed’ by the contradictory and compromising policies of its leadership, blocked by the political accords with local reaction – the instruments of English imperialism – political accords of defeat and laying down the victorious arms of the Popular Army and the popular democratic movement in general (Lebanon, Plaka, Gazerta, Varkiza etc.). Moreover, the leader of the CPG faced the negative situation created by the military defeat of the Left in the battle against the English in Athens in December 1944. This was a battle fought under unacceptable political and military conditions, with strange and spur-of-the-moment methods – as proven by the evidence – and fought also under the leadership of Georges Siantos, the party’s Secretary General at the time of the German occupation, who was later accused by the party of being an agent of the Intelligence Service.

b) A CPG highly regarded by the Greek people, which however during the occupation had been transformed by its leadership from a politically innovative party (around 450,000 members) into an enormous, loose political body lacking a role, objectives, spirit and orientation; not a leading party but a party that allowed in any supporter. The party also included leading members who became known and were recognised by the people through the fight of the NLF, and at the same time leading members who were unable to complete their revolutionary mission, dominated and bound by the spirit of political compromise that they themselves had cultivated within the movement through their choices; dominated also by petit bourgeois self-satisfaction and pride deriving from the greatness of the movement, of which they were leading. After all, these cadres distorted the line of N. Zachariades as it was expressed in his historic letter of October 1940 when Greece was attacked by Italian fascism, a guiding letter of the leader of the CPG and at the same time the last public statement only shortly before he was handed over by the Italians and their Greek collaborators to the Germans and was imprisoned in Dachau concentration camp until the liberation of Germany by the Red Army. In the last paragraph of this historic letter, N. Zachariades related in a categorical way the anti-fascist fight to the fight for social liberation, stressing:

‘The prize for the working people and for the current fight must be and will be a new Greece, a Greece of labour, of liberty, purged of any dependence on imperialism, with a truly popular culture’.

The leadership of the CPG during the occupation, with its political choices, disconnected the anti-fascist war from the general political perspective of the working people who should be fighting for national independence and social liberation.

c) Because of this political and leadership team of the CPG, strong conditions began to emerge which were favourable for the rapid reconstruction of the reactionary right-wing pro-English state. Bands of fascists committed murders in the villages and towns, thousands of fighters were arrested, terrorism dominated all over the country, the Treaty of Varkiza led to the disarmament and destruction of the glorious People’s Army of the National Liberation Front and the fighters of the countryside went up to the mountains once again to escape from the killing spree of the fascist bands.

This in brief was the situation that Nikos Zachariades, the leader of the CPG, had to deal with from the summer of 1945 onward, and on the basis of these very conditions he was called to take political and organisational initiatives, while the cycle of World War 2 had not yet been completed and the game of diplomacy concerning the global post-war situation was in a critical phase.

In the debates that have taken place – and still are going on – in Greece, in the scientific papers of historians and researchers, in the personal testimonies of leading Left members of that period, as well as on the other side too, in the long-term political and ideological controversy within the context of the Greek Left, many and often contrasting or consciously distorted evidence about the conditions under which the Civil War began and about the CPG’s leadership’s actions when Nikos Zachariades was at the head, have always been discussed. The slanderous and distorting efforts were developed and are still maintained with the same intensity, reinforced by the participation and behaviour of a large circle, of a front of ‘dark’ forces consisting of people united around the above objective. For half a century now, with the same mania, the ‘dark’ front keeps on with the same false arguments and consciously distorting tactics. In this front the most varied sectors of Greek society participated. Monarchist-fascists (of old and new types), revisionists of all kinds, social-democrats and Trotskyists play, directly and indirectly, the main role in slandering Nikos Zachariades’ personality and leading figure, with an obvious political-ideological goal: to deprive the Greek left and democratic movement of its own revolutionary and fighting traditions, as well as of its scientific and theoretical leading role that Nikos Zachariades played within the Greek movement and the CPG. The destructive force of the ‘dark’ propaganda was strongly reinforced after the absolute predominance of the forces of N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev in the international movement and particularly, after Nikos Zachariades’ assassination in Siberia in August 1973 after he had completed 17 years of exile there. This act had been pre-programmed by the KGB in collaboration with the leading team of the CPG (H. Florakis, K. Loules, K. Tsolakis etc.) to which the Soviet revisionists had assigned the leadership of the Greek party. The reason for the assassination of the head of the Greek Left was obviously to prevent his return to Greece after the forthcoming fall of the dictatorship, a fact that would disclose to the Greek people the political treason and would change – in favour of revolutionary opinion – the interrelations within the Greek movement. At the same time, however, Zachariades’ return to Greece as a political refugee would constitute a world-wide base for denouncing the revisionist Soviet party as well as the international state of affairs. At this point, we should refer to and emphasise the fact that under these bad conditions, the absolute predominance of the alliance of the ‘dark’ front, for decades and still until today, in the Greek left and popular movement there have been and still are forces resisting the reactionary anti-revolutionary front. The historic initiative of the anti-revisionist fight had been the tens of thousands of partisans, all refugees in the Eastern countries, the vast majority of whom (from 85% to 95%) stood by Nikos Zachariades’ side until the end, fighting against the violent anti-revolutionary intervention in the Greek Communist Party, facing unbelievable persecution, suffering, even imprisonment and exile.

The arguments against Nikos Zachariades that relate to his actions at the beginning of the Civil War, to the policy and strategy followed by the party during the second partisan fight, present not only an absolute lack of essential documentation, but also a range of varied and contradictory elements. Paradoxically the arguments are more or less the same in the reactionary and progressive circles. The overlapping opinions, which have different points of departure, reveal their real objectives; they aim to withhold the truth and to degrade Nikos Zachariades’ fighting stance and leadership abilities. In this document, we will not deal with the propaganda of the reactionary circles but rather with the reactionary and anti-historic arguments of those who talk in a ‘left’-wing manner and in the name of the Left:

1) The argument that Nikos Zachariades delayed the preparation and beginning of the armed rebellion.

This is a conscious distortion of the truth. The leader of the CPG, returning to Greece from Dachau, was faced with both a specific international and a domestic reality. He was informed, as soon as possible, of the international and domestic situation and he undertook very specific initiatives which were oriented towards:

a) The reconstruction of the CPG through the re-organisation of the party forces, the reinforcement of the political-educational work and its rapid transformation from a loose to a fighting, revolutionary workers’ party. He moved in this direction through the meetings of both the Plenary Sessions of the Central Committee and the 7th Conference, in which the issue of the international policy in these conditions and the complete scientifically documented programme for People’s Democracy were discussed. Furthermore, the strategy of connecting the party to the large workers’ and agricultural unions through many massive democratic processes put them quickly under the control of the party’s forces. He implemented the policy of reinforcing collaboration with the Agricultural Party and other co-operating parties of the democratic alliance. He implemented constant contact with the cadres of middle and lower rank and boosted their fighting conviction, which had fallen due to the compromising policies of the party’s leadership during the German occupation. During this period, Nikos Zachariades accrued information about the forces and possibilities of the movement, but also about the probable influence that enemy forces exerted within the CPG and the democratic front. It was also evident, that any decision in that period could not be made without taking into account the particular conditions in the greater Balkans area, since there were three new people’s democracies (Albania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria) which bordered Greece and were facing specific problems: their existence was intertwined with the unstable post-war transitional regime and was reflected both in Greece and in the Greek left movement. In addition, the CPG’s leadership, under those circumstances, could not ignore either the opinions of the regional left-wing parties or the opinions of Communist Party of Soviet Union, since the preparation of the armed rebellion – in order not to be considered an adventurous act – demanded in that very phase, many necessary political, technical and military preconditions.

b) The revolutionary, popular rebellion and conflict with British imperialism that was dominant in Greece during that period. The leadership of the CPG and Nikos Zachariades moved in this direction with a clear plan. Within a few months after his return to Greece, the line of mass popular self-defence against the reactionary groups was put into action and the formal battle cry of the Left, ‘English out of Greece’, which raised the fighting spirit of the Greek people, was heard for the first time. In this way, the perspective of struggle was cultivated in the people’s mind, since the Greek people knew by their experience during all those months, that the English and the Greek reaction had decided to exterminate the Greek popular left movement, preventing any perspective of reconciliation and resolution of the political problem through fair elections. At the same time, N. Zachariades and the leadership of the CPG and the international relationships ensured the political and military conditions for the popular rebellion that was coming. The political and organisational reconstruction of the movement that N. Zachariades undertook, took 8 months, beginning with his return to the country and the CPG’s leadership and ending with the milestone decision of the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the CPG on November 12, 1946, the anniversary of the Treaty of Varkiza. This decision made clear that the armed fight was unavoidable and led to the first military plans.

We can rebut the false arguments that Nikos Zachariades did not have a clear line for the armed fight and that he delayed going into the mountains – arguments absolutely irrelevant to the particular conditions of this specific period – with much evidence. We will refer however only to two characteristics:

1) Nikos Zachariades’ refusal to leave Athens and the leadership of the party’s apparatus before the departure abroad of G. Siantos (Secretary General of the party during the period of the German occupation who was responsible for the compromising political defeat of the Left), something that Siantos avoided doing despite the orders he was given. The opening of the CPG’s files from that period, which has been almost completed today and published in historic papers, although they are available to any researcher, highlights that situation and reveals to any honest fighter, researcher and historian the real facts. It was clear that Nikos Zachariades thought that within the political team of the movement there was a problem of vigilance and unity, a problem that he could not ignore. A series of telegrams from N. Zachariades to other cadres of the party who were on missions abroad proves this fact.

2) The testimony of Kostas Koligiannis (a leading cadre of the CPG), which he gave at the 3rd Conference of the CPG in October 1950, is testimony among tens of others with the same content. Kostas Koligiannis’ testimony is very interesting because he became the Soviet revisionists’ favourite; they named him Secretary General in N. Zachariades’ place, after the anti-democratic overthrow of the legal leader of the CPG. Kostas Koligiannis said:

‘In order for Markos Vaphiades to free himself from responsibilities, he claimed that the party did not start the fight in order to win with strength and determination, that the fight was waged under illusions and inconstancies and for this reason we did not win. Apart from the fact that everybody knew how the party’s decision was initially made, I want to say something that refutes M. Vaphiades’ claim. In July 1946, N. Zachariades himself told me, when I was departing to Epirus, that we should create a massive armed movement. He also said specifically that we should start from the region of Konitsa and Zagori with North Epirus and Tzoumerka as bases of operation and Western Macedonia and Thessaly behind us and to proceed further maintaining these two bases of operation. If we formed small groups in order to use them as a means of restraint in the handling of the situation, as M. Vaphiades says, then what would the mass partisan group – that the party asked us to form since June 1946 – serve for? I went there with the decision-making responsibility of the political office, because I went as the secretary of the party’s organisation. And why would the party give this order to us and another order to other organisations? I think that what M. Vaphiades says constitutes an attempt to free himself from some extremely serious responsibilities, the principal ones, because we lost the chance to resolve, in the end of 1946 and in 1947, the problem of reserves that decisively and determinatively affected the evolution of the armed fight.’ (1)

The above testimony concerning the responsibilities and inefficiencies of the General of the Democratic Army of Greece, Markos Vaphiades, a man who has been in the circle of protagonists in the slander against N. Zachariades and who later co-operated with K. Koligiannis, solves the puzzle and leads to objective conclusions.

2) The abstention from the general elections in March 1946.

The second mistake, a ‘determinative’ one as the cadres of the anti-Zachariades chorus characterised it, was the abstention of the CPG and the other parties of the democratic alliance from the general elections that the English and their vassal reactionary government of Athens organised on March 20, 1946. The ‘chorus’ claims that the Left should have taken part in the elections, although they knew that these elections had been held under the awful conditions of unbelievable terrorism, of thousands of arrests of left citizens, of hundreds of murders just within that month, and with no guarantees for a normal, legal and transparent holding of the elections. The supporters of this ‘view, even in this case, artificially separated the elections not only from these specific conditions but also from the movement’s perspective. They criticised the question of elections from a static view. They pretended that they do not know or they hid the fact that:

(a) all the non-CPG parties and organizations of the democratic alliance were intensively and insistently in favour of abstention;

(b) one month before, in February 1946, the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the CPG had realised that the march toward an armed fight was unavoidable, since Greek reaction and the English had decided to proceed towards it.

Participation in the rigged elections would have legalised the reactionary front and would have reinforced the electoral illusions of the Greek people, whereas the election result under no circumstances would have expressed honestly and clearly the people’s political conviction and the real political influence of the Left.

Participation in the election would have led the people, the popular movement and the CPG, into a vicious circle of contradictions and inequality, similar to that of 1944-1945 which was the cause of the political ‘capture’ and defeat of the movement. Nikos Zachariades in his last authorised text titled ‘Problems of the CPG’s crisis – contribution to the political discussion’, written in 1962 in exile in Siberia, referred to a great extent to the question of abstention and among other things he stressed:

‘In the decision taken during the 8th Conference [after Nikos Zachariades’ overthrow], it was said that abstention is a terrible mistake with serious consequences for the party and the democratic movement. The decision does not explain the content of this ‘terrible mistake’, but the meaning is clear. If we participated in the elections we would secure a peaceful evolution for Greece! Where to? It was similar to the essentially opportunist plan of Partsalides [revisionist leader] that was part of the policy of appeasing reaction and submitting to it. So Partsalides was trying, after what happened, to justify also the treason of Varkiza [the treaty of disarmament of the People’s Army that he signed]. In 1946, elections could under no circumstances play an important role other than to reinforce reaction. Only an opportunist to the bone could declare that if we had participated in the elections the whole evolution of Greece would have been different. This was not the truth. The English, with the support of the Committee of the United Nations which supervised the elections [the Soviet Union refused to participate in this committee, perhaps because she knew what was in the air], wanted to mislead us as to the rigged elections which they were preparing, in order to legalise through the parliament, with the people’s vote, the intervention of December 1944 and the issue of Varkiza and thus to impose the monarchist-fascist regime. This is the truth. The following is noteworthy too: The Committee of the UN allocated us 9.3% abstention votes. If we had participated in the elections it would have given us generously three times more. Thus, it would have secured the people’s stamp of approval in favour of monarchist-fascism and the occupation forces. Partsalides was pushing the movement in this direction, towards the ratification of the Treaty of Varkiza. Our weakness [Zachariades goes on] during that period was a different and decisive one. The masses hesitated because we laid down our arms; no other European movement did something so shameful. We betrayed them in December in Athens and in Varkiza; we betrayed Greece and the National Resistance. For this reason, today the Xians [fascist band named X] beat us up on the streets and keep us hidden in our holes. The whole attempt to recreate the party from the 12th Plenary Session [on 25th-27th of June 1945] (2) was leading exactly to this: to arouse the movement and the CPG again in order for them to fall in line with the historical demands of that critical period and the party did it until the 2nd Plenary Session in February [1946]. (3) Let us not forget that the party’s leadership at that time, even after December, still did not have any policy for the English which was worthy of the people and the CPG and as a result, regarding the English, the policy of submission of Plaka, Gazerta, Varkiza was continued. The battle cry ‘English Out Of Greece’ was heard only when the party was reconstructed in order to extricate itself from the shame that the Treaty of Varkiza attributed to us’.

N. Zachariades expressed, clearly and revealing the truth, his opinion on the issue of abstention from the elections of 1946. This position helps anyone who wants to draw more general conclusions on the situation, on the role and orientation of each individual. We think that through these two cases to which we referred – the most important ones of that period and the most important ones regarding the political controversy within the movement – clear and useful conclusions can be drawn; conclusions concerning the lines within the CPG, the revolutionary and the opportunist line. This conflict between lines has determined the facts for the next two decades and until now, in the contemporary epoch, and is related to the need and duty of reconstructing the movement on the basis of the principles of scientific socialism of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin.

Endnotes:

1. 3rd conference of the CPG from October 10-14, 1950, Introductions, Speeches, Decisions.

2. The Plenary Sessions were meetings of the Central Committee of the CPG between the Congresses. The numbering of the Plenary Sessions restarts in the event of a congress. The 12th Plenary Session of June 1945 took place between the 6th and the 7th Congress of the CPG. The 7th Congress took place in the autumn of 1945.

3. The 2nd Plenary Session took place exactly a year after the treacherous Treaty of Varkiza.

The Political Committee of the Movement of the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-1955

Source

Greek unions call strike December 1

Greece’s two main unions GSEE (the General Confederation of Greek Workers) – ADEDY (the Civil Servants’ Confederation) have called a 24-hour general strike December 1 to protest government plans to pass new austerity measures including spending cuts, tax increase and state-asset sales.

The Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 1918-55 supports the strike and has released posters, flyers, etc. to support the struggle.

Source

KKE 1918-55: Comrade Stella Delifoti passed away

On July 6 the EAM-ELAS fighter and the glorious Democratic Army of Greece (DSE) guerilla Comrade Stella Delifoti died and buried in her village. She left her last breath in Athens, where she lived after the return from Poland.

Comrade Stella was born in 1926 in the village of Dress Pella, where she grew up.

During the triple fascist occupation (1941-44) of the country by the German-Italian-Bulgarian troops she fought against the invaders in the ranks of EAM-ELAS. She organized in her village in National Liberation Front (EAM) in October 1942 and took active part in the struggle of our people.

After the liberation of our country and the treacherous Varkiza agreement, with peak the delivery of arms, she was expelled, along with tens of thousands of fighters “from the state of the intolerant right”, as she reported in a self-biographical note: “I crawled to prison, was beaten and reviled.”

Later, following the new blare invitational (1946) of the Revolutionary Communist Party, by its great leader communist leader Nikos Zachariadis, she came to the mountains and fought from the ranks of the glorious and heroic Democratic Army of Greece (DSE) the local monarch-fascists and the American imperialists.

After the decline of DSE she went as a political refugee in the great country of socialism, the Soviet Union of the great Stalin, in the city of Tashkent, capital of Uzbekistan, where she worked in production. She took yet active part in party life and she always faithfully and consistently defending the revolutionary line of the Communist Party.

During the open, raw and brutal intervention of the traitorous clique of Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Mikogian etc. to our heroic Party in September of ’55, comrade Stella Delifoti actively defended the line of the Communist Party and its Central Committee against a handful of right-wing opportunists traitors of the clique Demetriou-Chatouras-Rossis-Tsolakis etc.

In the bloody conflict in Tashkent (9-10 September 1955), which was directed by the Khrushchevit revisionists and was instrumented by minimum opportunists, she was arrested for defending the revolutionary line by the Soviet Security, along with many hundreds of communist ELAS-DSE guerillas and incarcerated for months in the fascist Khrushchev-Brezhnev dungeons of Tashkent.

After her release, she continued her revolutionary activities like always and kept actively following the revolutionary line and obstinately defending the revolutionary path of Stalin-Zachariadis.

She was expelled, like thousands of communists, but actively continuing the struggle against Khrushchevite revisionism both in Tashkent and later in Poland.

Returning to Greece from exile she continued the struggle against Khrushchevite revisionism, associated with the “Movement for Reorganization of the Communist Party 1918-55”, disseminate and always defended the revolutionary line of Stalin-Zachariadis.

Despite her health problems which she had last year, she never lost her optimism and enviable fighting spirit/

The communist Delifoti Stella was one of those fighters who her companions and comrades appreciated the militancy in the struggle for the interests of the working class and her consistency to the revolutionary communist principles. She was an uncompromising defender of the revolutionary work of Stalin-Zachariadis and all Communist guerillas with courage and frank behavior.

The Political Committee of the Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55

The Political Committee of the “Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55″
PO Box 3689, 102 10 Athens
Greece
Tel: +30 2108621543
Site: http://anasintaxi.awardspace.com
Blog (English): http://anasintaxi-en.blogspot.com
Blog (Greek): http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com

Source

Unilateral entire debt suspension of payments – Greece out of Euro-EMU-European Union

Against the current strategic choice of the local big capital to keep the country inside Euro-EMU-EU

Today, in 2010, the working class and the popular working masses are undoubtedly confronted with a negative and extremely painful financial-political condition for their class interests, as a result of the global financial crisis and the bankruptcy of the Greek economy, which have led to an intensification of the country’s dependence from the EU and the IMF, through the imposition of the Memorandum and the demolition of workers’ and people’s rights. The imposition of the Memorandum has been justified as necessary to reduce the deficit and foreign debt, but its real objective is the intensification of workers’ exploitation of by foreign and local capital. This is a novel condition, the existence of which has to be initially verified and recognized, and then analyzed. These are necessary premises for the designation of the content and correct orientation of the class struggle of the working class in the current very difficult and crucial period.

The country’s current financial-political condition is characterized by:

1. the deep crisis and bankruptcy of economy,

2. occupation by the “troika” of Commission-ECB-IMF,

3. violent abolition of all workers’ conquests,

4. deterioration of the relations between Greece and EU, to the country’s detriment.

A. Global crisis and the collapse of the Greek economy

The crisis that keeps on shattering the entire capitalist world, as well as our country, burned out for years to come, in the hell that created massive unemployment of hundreds of millions of unemployed-half-unemployed humans, great poverty, hunger and the absolute immiseration of billions on the planet, the final illusory glow of the widely advertised by recently faded myth of capitalist “prosperity”, as well as the celebrated jabbers-myths of bourgeois and revisionist economist about “full employment,” “elimination of unemployment,” and a capitalist development “undisrupted by crises.”

Regardless of its existent singularities and main features as well as the way in which it broke out, this crisis is, as all the previous ones, a cyclical crisis of over-production, the root and cause of which exists within the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, which the other contradictions of this exploitative system are also connected with: the “the contradiction between the social character of production and the private form of its appropriation.”

Chinese Social-Imperialism in Africa

Published in Reorganization by the KKE (1918-1955):

The year 2006 was a milestone for Sino-African relations. Only the first half of the Chinese President Hu Jintao and Prime Minister Wen Jiabao visited 10 African countries. In November of that year took place in Beijing in the third session of the Forum on Sino-African Cooperation (FOCAC), involving 48 of the 53 African countries. In January, no, last year, China published the “document of Chinese policy in Africa” ​​by presenting the objectives of the Chinese presence and the means to achieve them. On January 30, and the Chinese president goes to visit 10 new African countries.

Bilateral trade has jumped from 10 billion. In 2000 to $ 55 billion. $ 2006, making China the third largest trading partner after the U.S. and France. 156 loans to 31 countries, worth $ 1.38 billion donated by China in 2004, and truncate their duties on 190 products. By the end of 2005, China has undertaken over 720 projects in Africa, awarded 18,000 scholarships, sent 15,000 medical personnel who treated her roughly 170 million Africans and political support.

The many rewards: raw materials and energy sources (see below for oil), African support for China on human rights committee of the UN and the withdrawal of the Olympic Games in 2008. And despite the low purchasing power of Africans, Chinese and competitors know that this is offset by the same population of Africans.

Historically, the period of Mao and Chu Lai In the absence of significant economic exchanges across political and mutual projects such as the Tanzania-Zambia Railway in the ’70s, whose existence is in China. Just $ 770 million was a record volume of bilateral trade in 1977.Apo the early ’90s, however, the emphasis was on “cooperation” for the “exploration and exploitation” of energy sources, technology and trade.

Series on Maoist Revisionism: On the “Socialism” of the Maoist Revisionists

From the Journal “Reorganization” by the KKE (1918-1955)

The issue of socialism is today one of the most central positions in political and ideological struggle taking place between the Marxists – Leninists and revisionists of all shades (Khrushchev, Tito, Chinese, Euro-Communists).

In theory, the scientific understanding of socialism to find pleria formulated and integrated in the works of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin. Prachtika socialism first built in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin (1917 -1953) and now successfully built LSD in Albania, which is the only truly socialist country in the world.

The revisionists of all shades from a grossly distorting the Marxist conception of Marxism and propagate various anti-Marxist perceptions that have nothing to do with scientific socialism and the other advertised as “socialism” to capitalism that exists in the revisionist countries (USSR, Yugoslavia, Poland, China, etc.).

The revisionist “K” JV defense and wants to build in our country called “real socialism” of the current Soviet Union ie palinorthomeno capitalism that prevails there.

The various revisionist Maoist organizations and groups defending the “Chinese socialism.” Some of them want to build “socialism” of China by Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping (NCSR “,” NCSR-ML KKE “:” The PR China is a country of socialism “, Materials of the first Unionist Congress 1984, p. 87), while others such as “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party” (Proletarian Flag), “Communist Party Marxist-Leninist” (Political Left “) and” The Movement for the reconstruction of Marxist – Leninist movement “only” socialism “of Mao Zedong that capitalism in China, which dominated the season. The latter believe that after the death of Mao, “palinorthothike capitalism” (most recently, in January this year, the “Proletarian Flag” speaks for “restoration of capitalism” in China).

However, as demonstrated by Comrade Enver Hoxha’s famous work Imperialism and the Revolution, Mao Zedong “was not Marxist – Leninist, but a democrat, progressive revolutionary, who was for a long time leader of the Communist Party of China and played an important role in victory of the Chinese anti-imperialist democratic revolution “(p. 315) and even that” Mao Zedong is anti-Marxist and “Mao Zedong thought is anti-Marxist” (p. 316).

Because of anti-Marxist perceptions of Mao Zedong and the Chinese party, China could not move and did not ever achieve socialism. It took over the city – a democratic revolution. Comrade Enver Hoxha said: “The transition from urban – a democratic revolution to socialist revolution can take place only then when the proletariat away decisively the bourgeoisie from power and expropriate. Once in China, the working class divided the power of the civil order, where the bourgeoisie has maintained its prerogatives, the power that was introduced in China, there might be power of the proletariat, and therefore the Chinese revolution could not have evolved into a socialist revolution “(p. 302 -303). And below: “In Chinese society were and are still not economically, politically, ideologically and socially remnants of the past, but are there and the exploiting classes, like classes, which were and still remain in power. The bourgeoisie not only continues there, but also benefit from the income of property had “(p. 305)

Article partner TOMOR CEROVA reproduced in the insert from the magazine “Albania today” No 2 / 1980 analyzes the relations of production in China at the time of Mao Zedong and shows clearly and convincingly, that these were not socialist but capitalist, suggests that the path of development of Chinese economy after 1949 until today, both industry and agriculture was permanently capitalist path of development.

Therefore can not speak for the existence of socialism and dictatorship of the proletariat in China in the era of Mao and “restoration of capitalism” after his death, as do the Maoists revisionist “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party” (Proletarian Flag) “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (” Left Politics “) and” Movement for the reconstruction of Marxist – Leninist movement “when in China ever built socialism.

The capitalism that prevailed in China in the era of Mao Zedong dominates today there is not and can not be related to the builders of socialism in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin and after Stalin’s death was abolished by Khrushchevite revisionists. The Maoists revisionist defense of “socialism” in China of the Mao era that capitalism can only reject the builders of socialism in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin and being built today in Albania according to the teachings of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin.

They boarded a complete inability to refer to relations of production on property relations, the relations of distribution are socialist in class relations and class now in power and the dictatorship of the proletariat, not dare to openly challenge the existence of socialism in Albania , or prefer to remain silent or resort to a different type of libel: “Without doubt, the implementation of the CRL of a reconciliation – opportunist policy towards the Soviet social imperialism distorts the cause of socialism” (“Theses on the founding conference of the” Movement for reconstruction of the Marxist-Leninist movement, ‘”p. 127, Athens 1984),” now that an approach to leadership metachotzikis Albania and the USSR is very possible and use the old naval bases of the Soviet fleet in the country “( “Left Politics, 15 December 1984) or” Communist Party Marxist-Leninist “(Proletarian Flag) resorting to the sister of revisionist Maoist parties to slander the NAC and Albania.

The Maoists revisionists of our country being able to analyze the economic-social situation in Albania have been transformed into Pythia to predict the future of socialism in Albania, that they now reject it and fight.

The struggle of the Marxists – Leninists against anti-Marxist perceptions of modern revisionists for socialism should be connected closely with the defense of the scientific socialism of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin and prachtiki own construction in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin and the building today in Albania. It must always be connected with the consistent defense and promotion of socialism Albania.

Greetings to the first legal Congress of PCOT from the Political Committee of the Movement for the Reorganization of KKE 1918-1955

Dear comrades,

thank you for the invitation but we won’t be able to participate for financial reasons. We are sending you a short greeting to your Congress:

To the CC of the Communist Workers’ Party of Tunisia

Dear Comrades,

The Greek communists send their warm greetings to your Congress along with their revolutionary solidarity salutes to the struggle of PCOT.

Your Congress is summoned and commences its proceedings in a very critical and complicated period for the fate and the further advance of the revolutionary process in your country.

The Tunisian popular revolt, the most advanced one in the Arab countries, succeeded in overthrowing the fascist Ben-Ali regime which was, together with the rest of the reactionary forces, a buttress of the imperialist powers in your country.

The storm of the unprecedented massive popular revolts – each one with its own particularities – that shook and continue to shake all the Arab countries (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Yemen), shattered the reactionary, oppressive regimes causing alarm to their imperialist patrons all over the world.

These popular revolts, irrespective of how much they will progress, have objectively an antifascist and anti-imperialist character, a fact that deeply worries the great imperialist powers about the future of their neo-colonial domination in these countries and the entire region.

The massive revolts managed to assume massive proportions because they escaped the control of the bourgeois and reformist parties and they have historical significance not only for the people in every country involved but for the entire region. They are also important for the struggle of the European proletariat and the European peoples because they demonstrated how strong and irresistible the power of a people can be, when the struggle attains the necessary massiveness, despite the absence of revolutionary Communist Parties.

These revolts constitute one of the most important, if not the most important, events in the 21st century and it will be recorded as such in the history of class struggle of the peoples against fascism and imperialism and the struggle for the liberation of various countries from the imperialist bondage

We wish success to your Congress proceedings.

Long live the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations!

Long live Marxism-Leninism and international proletarian solidarity!

The Political Committee of the Movement for the Reorganization of KKE 1918-1955

July 2011

KKE (1918-55) & Revolusjon: We owe nothing and we will not pay!

KKE (1918-55) calls for Greece out of the EU

Greece is at boiling point. People are furious. The economic crisis has turned into a political crisis for the social democrat prime minister Papandreou and the bourgeois political institutions. The weeks ahead are piled with crisis meetings and sessions, in the parliament and with the EU, in order to “cope with the crisis”.

The bourgeois media are giving the impression that the greeks are lazy money-wasters and that the EU is in an awkward position having to consider whether or not to “allow” Greece to get even more indebted. In reality this debt has already been paid off by the Greek people, while on the other hand, Germany for example still has not paid war damage compensation to Greece …

Revolusjon has put some questions to a comrade from the Movement for the reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE 1918–1955) in order to get a more precise understanding of the current situation in the country.

– More than half a million people took to the streets in Athens recently against the austerity measures of the government imposed by the EU and IMF. What are their main demands?

– The number of people who went out in the streets, reached half a million on June 15 and tenths of thousands have been on the streets and the squares for more than three weeks in Greece. The main demands can be summarised by the slogan: WE DO NOT OWE – WE DO NOT SELL – WE DO NOT PAY.

In a recent opinion poll 47.5 percent of respondents said they want parliament to reject the reform package. The vast majority of the demonstrators agrees with the debt write-off, that the the troika should go. Moreover, over the last days, more and more people question the country’s membership in the EU.

– There are many similarities to the protests in Spain, however it seems that in Greece the whole population is involved, not only the youth. Is this a correct observation?

– Yes, not only young people participate but, also, older ones who offer all kinds of help; from making photocopies to preparing food. They are trying to balance the enthusiasm of the younger ones and convey their own experience from the struggles of the Greek people, under the guidance of the Communist Party, in the ranks of the National Liberation Front during the Second World War, the Greek Democratic Army and, later, the United Democratic Left. However, it is the youth that is in the first line. Everybody wants the youth to lead and there is hope in them. The movement has a great potential to spread even more.

– Would you say that the situation has led to a radicalization within the trade union movement, or is it still being controlled by reformist and revisionist bureaucracy?

– The trade union movement is still under the control of social-democrats and reformists. But it is the first time that the local trade unions pressed the reformist leaderships to call a 48-hour strike – the first in decades – and joint rallies around the risen squares.

– The Greek public opinion used to be in favour of the Euro and the EU. Now this has changed. Do you believe it possible that Greece might leave the EU and reinstate the Drachma?

– From the middle of the last decade, due to constant price rises, the request to return back to the Drachma (the former Greek currency) was maturing. Now the request is supported by the majority of Greek citizens. Also, shortly before the outbreak of the demonstrations, polls showed that 27 per cent of the people questioned the abidance of Greece in the EU. Through these demonstrations and the discussions that have developed, this demand also is gaining momentum. Already in recent resolutions of the squares the EU is clearly disputed.

– In Greece you have a strong party posing as “communist”, even “orthodox communist”, the KKE. What role does this party play in the protests, and does it support withdrawal from the EU?

– This party immediately distanced itself from the protests. Not only did it not support them, but leading KKE cadres spoke with derogatory words about the movement; they said, for example, that it is not politically mature, that it does not pose a threat to the political system etc. KKE does not support withdrawal from the EU, even if sometimes they claim the opposite in foreign media, because it has totally accepted the strategic decision of the Greek capital to keep the country within this imperialist union. The KKE General Secretary, A. Papariga recently stated that: “A solution outside the Euro and return to the drachma in the present circumstances would be catastrophic” (Rizospastis 31/5/2011, p.6., can also be found here).

– How about the other leftist forces?

– Most of the left forces do not seem to grasp the political importance of the developing popular movement. Some of them take an openly hostile attitude to it, others try to undermine it using various means and others don’t do anything essential to support it. No left political organisation agitates for the withdrawal of Greece from EU and Euro. There are forces such as SYN/SYRIZA sowing illusions about transforming EU into an institution that supports peoples’ interests. Others, like the Maoist revisionist parties relegate the question of the country’s withdrawal from the EU into the future. We are the only left political organization that has put forward the slogan “IMMEDIATE EXIT FROM EU-EMU-EURO”.

– Until 1974 Greece was a military NATO-dictatorship and the reactionary forces are still active. Do you see any danger coming from the right and the fascist elements?

– It is important to point out that, during the last decades, there has been a process of fascist transformation of the Greek society, promoted by the state through all possible means and tolerated, or even, supported by the bourgeois and revisionist parties. This process has made certain progress because of the absence of massive popular movements. It is impossible that the people demonstrating in the squares have not been affected. Significant parts of the population are influenced by racist views. In the beginning, some worried that fascist-racist views will prevail in the rallies. But the people’s meetings adopted the clear-cut position that the fascists and the racists do not have any place in the squares. Now and then, small groups of fascists make their appearance, but they are immediately excluded from the crowd. Anyway, it is quite difficult for them to gain any ground in the rallies because the Nazi-fascist party, the Popular Orthodox Rally (LAOS), of the parliament has voted for the Memorandum which abolishes the country’s national sovereignty.

– Is there any way the working class and progressive forces elsewhere in Europe could support the current struggle of the working people of Greece?

– Yes. Initially, they must make clear that the demonstrations in Greece are against the anti-popular measures the government puts forward. In addition, they need to organise campaigns to inform the other peoples that the money given to Greece has been returned to their countries many times and that the terms and debt imposed on the country threaten its sovereignty and its prospects for economic development. Finally, all people have to realise that if the new measures pass and the loan treaty is not annulled, they will face a two-fold threat:

1) The fall of the living standards and the drop of the wages in Greece will definitely result in similar harsh austerity policies in their own countries.

2) There will be the legal precedent of the bankers abolishing national sovereignty that can be used to do the same in other countries.

A more detailed analysis of the Greek situation and the positions of the Marxist-Leninists can be found here.

Political declaration of the European Regional Meeting of the ICMLPO, Copenhagen, May, 2011

Let us prepare for the sharpening of the class struggle

In the capitalist world still in deep crisis, the wind of popular revolts and of revolution is coming from the Maghreb and countries of the Middle East. The people of these countries have risen up, one after the other, against regimes of tyranny, often sold out to imperialism. They are struggling for democracy; they want to live in dignity, to work, study and contribute to the development of their country and to get rid of the corrupt regimes that have enriched themselves at their expense by selling the country and its wealth to the imperialist powers.

The revolution began in Tunisia. The resistance of the working class, of the youths, peasants, democrats and popular sectors was organized in spite of the ferocious repression of Ben Ali’s regime, supported until the last minute by its imperialist godfathers.

In this fight, the Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia (PCOT) has played an essential leading role. Together with other forces, it is struggling today in order for this revolutionary process to continue to its end. It is the Tunisian revolution that expelled Ben Ali. It encouraged other people of the Maghreb and the Middle East to rise up. From Egypt to Yemen, from Morocco to Syria, movements have developed, provoking a large movement of sympathy among the workers, youth and peoples all over the world.

The imperialist powers that consider this region as their private hunting ground have been taken by surprise. They pretend to support these popular movements, in order to try to make use of them for their own interests. In Libya they have found forces ready to collaborate with them, and Sarkozy, Cameron and Obama launched a war that is plunging this country into chaos. For the first time in its history, NATO is intervening militarily in this region, to show the will of the imperialist powers to halt the popular movements and to establish their total control of all of Libya’s resources, especially oil, gas and water. They are also interested in Libya’s geostrategic position on the African continent and in the Mediterranean region.

As the G-8 summit has shown, the big imperialist powers are speaking of “helping” these people, but they are trying to enchain them with debts. Today the debt mechanism is an essential instrument of the neocolonial policy of imperialism. We denounce this policy of enslavement and say that on the contrary, these people do not need new debts.

It is not over yet, but with these movements, the class struggle has taken a new dimension, a new scale internationally. These people are standing up and are giving a new breath to the revolution, to the fight for national and social emancipation. They have shown that it is the people who make history and that a people united can overturn the imperialist order, can overthrow dictatorships.

The idea of the revolution is again on the agenda

The working class, the toiling people, the youth and the peoples of the world are in solidarity with this fight that inspires and stimulates them to reinforce their struggle against the capitalist imperialist system that makes them pay for its crisis. Far from being over, much less overcome, a new crisis is threatening to explode: the state debt crisis, especially in the EU. The financial oligarchy, the monopolies have put the States into debt in order to save the financial system, the banks and big monopolies. For this, billions in public money, taken from the social budgets, have been used. At the same time, wages have been lowered, and misery and precariousness have struck ever larger sectors of the masses.

The financial markets are speculating on the bankruptcy of States; they are demanding more austerity, new privatizations and new cutbacks in social rights. In order to save Euro, the leaders of big powers in the EU, the IMF and the ECB [European Central Bank] want to impose a mega-austerity plan; the so-called “stabilization plan”, which, in reality, will push even more workers of the cities and the countryside, the youths and working women into misery and insecurity, and will increase the super-exploitation in the companies. To impose such a policy of social regression, the governments of the right, social democrats and social liberals are reinforcing the reactionary laws in order to criminalize the developing social struggle. They do not hesitate to copy the racist themes of the extreme right parties which are developing a populist propaganda. We denounce the reinforcement of “fortress” Europe and say: “it is not the immigrants who should be expelled, but Sarkozy, Berlusconi and company!”

The working class, popular masses and peoples are resisting, refusing to pay for the crisis of the capitalist system.

In several countries, the youths, who are the first victim of mass unemployment and precariousness, are taking to the streets and occupying public places in cities, shouting their anger at a society that has no future to offer them. In all the countries, from Greece to the United Kingdom, from Portugal to Italy, from Ireland to Spain, the working class and popular masses are demonstrating; resisting, expressing their refusal to pay for the crisis of the system.

We are working to develop this resistance, to develop the international solidarity and to merge these fronts of struggle into a general challenge to the capitalist system, which is responsible for the crisis, wars and accidents, as the one at the Fukushima nuclear plant. It is the race for maximum profit that is sacrificing the security of the workers and peoples. We support the struggles of the workers and peoples of Europe who refuse to pay for the debts of the capitalist and we say that it is the rich, the speculators and big shareholders who must pay for them.

We support the struggles against privatization and liquidation of public services, in health, education, social protection…

We support the strikes and struggles of the workers for higher wages, the mobilizations against layoffs, against lowering of wages and worsening of social conditions.

We appeal to reinforce in each country and internationally the combat against the “pact of stabilization”.

We denounce and combat racism and struggle for equality of rights, between all the workers, which permits to struggle together against our common enemies.

We denounce imperialism’s war policy and call for solidarity with the struggles of the peoples in the Maghreb and the Middle East.

We call for a large movement of solidarity with the revolutionary process in Tunisia and for support to our fraternal party, the PCOT.

We are working to unite the forces that oppose the policy of the bourgeoisie and reaction, the policy of imperialist war, for building fronts in the struggles, among the rank-and-file, in action.

The class struggle has accelerated in a few months

We appeal to the working class, the youths, the toilers of the city and countryside, the women of the popular sectors, to intensify their struggles to defend their social and political rights and gains.

We call on the political and social organizations that want to break with this system, for social change, to prepare themselves for the new developments in the class struggle, for the battles and confrontations at a higher level.

Copenhagen, May 2011

Solidarity With the Struggle of the Arab Peoples!

We, the parties and organizations of Europe that are members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), affirm that the popular uprisings in North Africa and the Near East have been caused by the terrible material conditions of life of the popular masses and the imposition of despotic regimes in those countries.

These conditions have objectively gotten worse as a result of the worldwide crisis of capitalism.

There are deep problems related to the question of democracy, and above all to the social question, the exploitation, poverty and inequality, created by the imperialist policy of looting and oppression of the peoples of the dependent countries.

These democratic and revolutionary processes are continuing, fighting to overthrow the despotic regimes and reactionary forces, to completely eliminate the privileges of the oligarchies, to win political liberties, to break the dependence on imperialism and to open the perspective of a new society.

These events demonstrate the revolutionary abilities of the peoples of the dependent countries, of the oppressed young people, who are the real protagonists of the process in motion.

These are very important for the proletariat, because they weaken the positions of capitalism; they can transform the dependent countries from reserves of imperialism into reserves of the proletarian revolution.

These movements in general have a progressive nature and offer precious lessons for the international proletariat, because they educate the exploited through struggle, and they instill confidence in their own one force and again put the idea of the revolution on the agenda.

We resolutely support the revolutionary and liberation movements of the oppressed peoples, which strengthen the international front of struggle against imperialism. In particular we must support the democratic revolution of the Tunisian people against the dictatorship of Ben Ali, a revolution in which the Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia (PCOT) is playing an important role, acting with decisiveness and clarity of ideas in this revolutionary process.

Imperialism is trying to crush or control these revolutionary processes by various means, among others economic suffocation. Therefore we propose to carry out a broad campaign of international solidarity to demand the cancellation of Tunisia’s foreign debt. This debt is an important weapon in the hands of imperialism to strangle the peoples and maintain the countries in conditions of dependency.

From the beginning of the popular revolts, imperialism, particularly U.S. imperialism and the European powers such as France, Great Britain, Italy, Norway, Spain, etc., have intervened in the region, directly or indirectly, to regain control and take advantage of the situation.

The war that the imperialist powers are carrying out in Libya through their military arm, NATO, is a reactionary, imperialist war of looting of the dependent countries, of social and national oppression, to suffocate the revolutionary movements.

Its objectives are: to install a puppet government in Libya that will allow them to obtain advantageous prices of petroleum, gas and water; the appropriation of Libya’s financial wealth; to take control of a strategic area, preventing and drowning the popular revolutions; and to expel other rival capitalist powers from the region.

This is the first time that NATO has intervened in this region, and this is part of its new strategy to control the region and the continent. We must unmask and reject NATO’s criminal policy of war and terror, in which the EU is also taking part.

We demand the immediate end of the war, the withdrawal of the imperialist armed forces from Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq; we demand withdrawal from NATO and the EU, the closing of U.S. military bases, the use of public money for social service and assistance and not for war. We will pursue a policy of peace and solidarity with the peoples in struggle.

We support the development of the popular movement and defend the sovereignty and national independence of every country. We denounce the interference and threats of new imperialist interventions especially in Syria.

We reaffirm our solidarity with the Palestinian people and the population of Gaza who are suffering from a cruel blockade, organized by the racist State of Israel, and we demand its immediate end. We support the fight of the Palestinian people for effective recognition of their full national rights. We condemn the criminal Zionist policy and at the same time we denounce the complicity of the EU with Israel on the political, economic and military level.

We demand the end of the racist and xenophobic policy against immigrants, a policy that extends across Europe; we denounce the militarization of the Mediterranean by the imperialist powers that at the same time speak hypocritically about human rights.

We denounce the parallel that the reactionary forces are making between Islam and terrorism.

We say No to the maneuvers of the European Commission in its relations with the African countries, to the policy of free markets, to privatization and the destruction of public services!

Long live the struggle and international solidarity of the peoples!

Copenhagen, May 2011

Nuclear power and capitalism are a lethal combination!

The Fukushima meltdown disaster proves once again that our environment and the safety of the workers and people may be sacrificed because of the greed for maximum profit that reigns under the capitalist mode of production.

The nuclear lobby has consistently told lies, claiming that nuclear power is “entirely safe”. Fukushima, Chernobyl and Harrisburg prove the opposite. This proof is emphasized by the fact that the financial insurance monopolies themselves refuse to insure nuclear plants.

Even if the plants were “safe”, this still would not solve the problem of toxic radioactive waste. This waste is poisoning oceans and rivers every day. Uranium and plutonium lie unprotected in contaminated areas, and inside the nuclear plants themselves.

Nuclear power is expensive and a limited source of energy.

The safety of the workers in the nuclear power plants and of the people in the nearby areas is ignored. They are forced to work in contaminated areas, and are the first to suffer when accidents occur.

Because of the first strike strategy of the NATO alliance, Europe is also being polluted by hundreds of missiles with nuclear warheads belonging to different atomic powers, mainly the USA. These are a potential disaster for all, friend or “foe”. The peoples should demand that such weapons be banned from their territory, as some countries already have done.

The civil use of atomic energy originated as a by-product of military production. Even today, the civilian and military sectors are intertwined. The military and police are always involved in safeguarding the nuclear energy plants, making them into semi-militarized zones. In this way, faults and accidents can also be kept secret from the public, totally undermining democracy.

Our immediate demands are therefore:
1) Immediate start of renewable and sustainable energy production.
2) Immediate closure of all old nuclear plants.
3) No to new nuclear plants.
4) Existing plants must shut down as soon as possible

These demands are entirely just and reasonable. The peoples do not want to be dependent on nuclear power. The people of Italy have demanded a referendum to reject construction of new nuclear plants in their country; in Sardinia 97 precent of the voters said no to nuclear power in a recent consultative referendum.

We demand that the monopolies responsible for the pollution and contaminated waste resulting from the nuclear industry be compelled to pay all costs of the devastation and of dismantling of old power plants.

We still do not know the long-term consequences of the disaster in Fukushima. When a catastrophe of such a dimension occurs in a highly advanced country like Japan, similar disasters may occur anywhere. Capitalism and imperialism are incompatible with safeguarding our environment; this system is incompatible with a sustainable future.

Copenhagen, May 2011

Long live the combative youth!

The youth in Spain are continuing their action in Madrid, Barcelona and dozens of other cities in that country. In Spain, where more than 40% of young people are unemployed, the youth are in the streets for their essential and vital demands. The youth are calling for jobs, a sufficient income, housing, the right to training and education for all, etc.

The youth have united around the slogan “Real Democracy Now!” which expresses their dissatisfaction with the destruction caused by the capitalist system of exploitation and are launching a cry of revolt against it.

The capitalist system is experiencing one of its deepest crises in a century. As always, the bill is presented to the workers, who are in no way responsible for the outbreak of this crisis, while the monopolies and the banks are filling their pockets and coffers. The weight of the crisis is being placed not only on the backs of the oppressed peoples and nations of the world, but also on the backs of the workers and peoples of the advanced capitalist countries. The youth are particularly subjected to these attacks and, as such, they have taken their place at the forefront of this struggle.

By their dynamism, the youth are in the front ranks of the fight, to defend their own demands and contribute their strength, energy and enthusiasm to the previous generations.

The youth of Spain and of all Europe, ready to follow that example, wish to have the best conditions of work and life; they do not want to be condemned to more precarious conditions than those of their parents.

We, as Marxist-Leninist parties of Europe, members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), highly value and warmly salute the fight of the youth of Spain. We think that the demands of this movement. in which the communist youth are playing an active role, are very reasonable, achievable and necessary.

We call on the youth of all Europe, and particularly those of Greece, Portugal, Ireland and Great Britain, who have been the object of virulent attacks by capital, to be inspired by the example of the youth of Spain, by their rebellion against exploitation, against reaction, against social injustice, and bring this movement forward.

Since the youth are condemned to live “without work, without a roof, without a future,” they will prove, through their mobilization, that they are able to live “without fear!”

Long live the combative youth!

The youth are the future, the future is socialism!

Copenhagen May 2011

European Regional Meeting of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO)
Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark – APK
Communist Party of the Workers of France – PCOF
Organization for the Reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece (1918-1955)
Communist Platform of Italy
Marxist-Leninist Organization Revolution of Norway (Revolusjon)
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) – PCE(m-l)
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey – TDKP
Organization for the construction of a Workers’ Communist Party of Germany (Arbeit Zukunft)