Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan): Condemn the Despicable Assassination of Chokri Belaid in Tunisia!

Chokri Belaid, a popular, prominent, and tireless fighter for the freedom and independence of Tunisia was assassinated in front of his house on the morning of February 6, 2013. Comrade Chokri was the general secretary of the United Party of Patriotic Democrats (PUPD) of Tunisia and a leading member of the Popular Front, a coalition of democratic and left wing forces including the Workers’ Party (PT) of Tunisia.

The criminal assassination of Chokri Belaid is one among a series of repressive acts and barbaric attacks against the activists of the Popular Front that have been carried out for a while with the backing and support of the Tunisian government led by Ennahda Islamic Party. As Comrade Hemma Hemmami, the spokesperson of the Front and the leading figure of PT stated: “The government as a whole is responsible for this crime”.

The barbaric assassination of Comrade Chokri Belaid reminds us of the gradually increasing offensive acts of the reactionary forces of the regime of the Islamic Republic of Iran, soon after they took power, against the advancement of the Iranian Revolution and against the secular and radical left forces in Iran.

Chokri Belaid strongly opposed the “elected” government of Tunisia dominated by the Ennahda Islamic Party, the Party that was put in power through conspiracy, deception, election rigging, and imperialist backing.

The assassination of Chokri Belaid is a vile act that stems from, on the one hand, the weakness and sagging power of the present reactionary rulers in Tunisia and, on the other hand, the advances of the Popular Front. The democratic and revolutionary forces in Tunisia are extending and deepening their influence among the labourers, toilers, deprived masses, and intellectuals. They are holding high the banner of their national-democratic revolution. This has frightened the regime and decaying forces. The assassins not only have targeted Comrade Chokri and PUPD, but also have targeted all democratic and left forces, the trade unions, the women organizations, all secular and progressive institutions. All these forces were and are under the offenses of the dark and reactionary forces backed by the Ennahda movement.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) strongly condemns the assassination of Chokri Belaid and expresses solidarity with his immediate family, with the United Party of Patriotic Democrats, and with the United Front. We call on all revolutionary and progressive forces of all lands to condemn the reactionary regime of Tunisia for this despicable act and other ongoing criminal offenses against the people of Tunisia.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) supports the struggle of the Tunisian people for the continuation of their revolution. We support the Popular Front, the force that is fighting for deepening the revolution and establishing a national and democratic order. We continue to expose the criminal Islamic regime of Tunisia headed by Ennahda, a regime that is backed by imperialists and the remnants of Ben Ali regime.

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan) supports the call by trade unions and the Popular Front for general strikes, for dissolution of the government, and for the formation of a new democratic constitutional assembly.

Long Live the Tunisian Revolution!
Down with Imperialism and Reaction!
Long Live International Solidarity!

The Party of Labour of Iran (Toufan)
February 7, 2013

WWW.Toufan.org
Toufan@toufan.org

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International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations: Resolution on the West African Region and Mali

Since 2010, the West African region and particularly the sub-Saharan zone has been marked by the armed interference and intervention of the imperialist powers. The objectives of those actions are:

* Political, geostrategic and military, related to the struggle for the redivision of the world and of the African continent.

* Economic (access to the petroleum of the Gulf of Guinea and the Ivory Coast; to the uranium of Niger and the precious metals that abound in the region; to solar energy; cacao, coffee, etc.

* The struggle of the Anglo-Saxon (U.S. and Great Britain) and French imperialists to prevent the penetration into the region by new actors such as China, India, Brazil, etc.

* The will of the imperialist powers to crush any type of protest by the popular masses, who are condemned to misery and lacking in political freedom, as well as the repression that they suffer carried out by the corrupt puppet powers, and their desire to crush any revolutionary insurrectionary movement.

The military-political crisis after the military coup d’état of the National Committee for the Defense and Restoration of the State (CNRDE) of March 22, 2012, as well as the military occupation of the North of Mali, begun January 22, 2012, which covers two thirds of the national territory, an occupation carried out by the National Movement for the Liberation of AZAWAD (MNLA) and the “jihadists” (AQMI, ANSAR, DINE, MUJAO, BOKO, HARAM…) must be put in this context

The military-political crisis in Mali has grave consequences for the neighboring countries, particularly Algeria, Niger, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Mauritania, etc. and the group of the countries of the west African region (destabilization of States, proliferation of arms, massive displacement of populations towards the South of Mali, and thousands of refugees in other neighboring countries).

The military-political crisis in Mali is also a threat to the interests of imperialism, particularly French imperialism, in that country and the whole region. That is why there are preparatory maneuvers for an open military intervention that the troops provided by the members countries of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) can carry out, with the consent and logistical support of the great imperialist powers (France and U.S.A.) and of the UN under the pretext of “making a secure transition,” of “restoring constitutional life” and of “restoring Mali’s territorial integrity.” This is a reactionary plan by the imperialist powers and their allies in the region to maintain and reinforce their domination.

Faced with this serious situation, the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO):

* Denounces and condemns the puppet powers that have opened their territories (particularly in Mali, Burkina Faso, Ivory Coast, Niger, Mauritania and Senegal) to the troops of imperialist aggression.

* Denounces and condemns the proclamation of independence of the State of AZAWAD by the MNLA, instrument of French imperialism.

* Denounces and condemns the crimes perpetrated against the peoples of the North of Mali by terrorist group AQMI and the Islamist groups ANSAR-DINE, MUJAO and the MNLA.

* Supports the brave resistance of the peoples, particularly of the youth, against oppression and medieval and obscurantist practices.

* Denounces and condemns the reactionary plan of the ECOWAS in Mali.

* Calls on the proletariat and peoples of the imperialist countries, particularly France, to support the Malian people in their struggle for a revolutionary solution of the military-political crisis.

* Calls for solidarity and support for the struggle of the peoples of the West African region against imperialist domination and their African lackeys.

Tunisia, November of 2012.

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International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations: Resolution on the Situation in Syria

The plenary of the ICMLPO, held for the first time in Africa, reaffirms its support for the right of the Syrian people to live under a democratic regime: a regime that guarantees freedom, equality, social justice and dignity, as well as assures the unity and total independence of the country, including the recovery of the Golan Heights occupied by Zionism since 1967.

The ICMLPO:

1. Denounces the dangerous development of events in Syria. The popular movement of protest has been transformed into a destructive civil war. The bloodthirsty repression is striking the people, and since the beginning, the Assad regime has rejected any democratic reform that would satisfy the aspirations of the Syrian people. This situation is the consequence of the foreign reactionary, imperialist and Zionist intervention, through Turkey, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, which masked by the so-called “Free Syrian Army” and under the pretext of “saving the Syria people”

2. We reaffirm that this war has nothing to do with the interests of the Syrian people and their aspirations. On the contrary, it serves the reactionary forces of the country, the region and internationally. Syria is at the moment the place of confrontation between, on the one side the U.S., France and Israel and Arab and Turkish reaction that are trying to subject Syria to Western rule and make it break its ties with Iran and Hezbollah. On the other side, Russia and China are supporting the regime to preserve their strategic interests in Syria and the region, after having lost their influence in Libya.

3. We reject all intervention by NATO in Syria under any pretext, given the dangers that this represents for the Syrian people, the peoples of the region and world peace in general. The Conference calls on the Turkish people to oppose Turkey’s intervention in Syria. It sends a call to the workers and peoples of the Western countries, in the first place of the United States, Great Britain and France, whose leaders are threatening military intervention in Syria, to pressure their governments to stop them from carrying out their criminal strategy that caused disasters in Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia, Libya, etc. in the past

4. It is up to the Syrian people, in all cases, to determine their own future. The ICMLPO calls on the Syrian patriotic and democratic forces to unite to save their country from the claws of the Assad regime and the armed gangs and to prevent the foreign powers from mortgaging their future and making use of a part of their minorities to undermine their unity. The ICMLPO calls on those forces to strive to build a new, democratic, secular, independent and united Syria in which the different religions and nationalities live together in freedom and equality.

5. Calls on the patriotic, democratic and progressive forces of the region to urgently mobilize and to undertake the necessary measures of solidarity to support the patriotic and democratic forces of Syria, forces that must act to end the slaughters perpetrated against the Syrian people, to stop the destruction of the country and prevent the foreign intervention, to facilitate dialogue among its inhabitants to achieve their aspirations and break with the tyranny and foreign domination.

Organisation pour la construction d’un parti communiste ouvrier d’Allemagne

Parti Communiste des Ouvriers du Danemark – APK

Parti Communiste d’Espagne (marxiste – léniniste) – PCE(ml)

Plateforme Communiste d’Italie

Parti Communiste des Ouvriers de France – PCOF

Organisation Marxiste Léniniste Révolution de Norvège – Revolusjon !

Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire de Turquie – TDKP

Parti des Travailleurs de Tunisie – PT

Parti Communiste Révolutionnaire de Côte d’Ivoire – PCRCI

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Tunisia’s ‘unfinished revolution’ — interview with Workers’ Party militant

By Peter Boyle

November 16, 2012 – Green Left Weekly – Abdel Jabbar Madouri (pictured above) has been a militant in Tunisia since his early secondary school days. He was jailed three times (in 1987,1993 and 2002) because of his political activism. After every arrest, he was tortured and then sentenced to more then 12 years in jail. Madouri spent four years in hiding during the Ben Ali regime. He was also deprived of the right to work or to obtain a passport.

Madouri is also novelist and member of the League of Free Writers and some of his novels were banned by the dictatorship. Today he is member of the national committee of the Tunisian Worker’s Party and is editor of its newspaper Sawt Echaab(People’s Voice).

Green Left Weekly interviewed Madouri by internet with with the assistance of and translation from Arabic by Tunisian journalist Haithem Mahjoubi.

* * *

The sacrifice of the young Tunisian street vendor Mohamed Bouazizi opened a new wave of popular revolt across the Arabic countries and beyond to Spain and eventually the whole world through the Occupy movement. But how much has been gained by the revolution in Tunisia? Is the democratic space still opening up?

We can say that this revolution has achieved certain aims such as the abolition of the ex-ruling party (though elements of it still operate freely but with little public support), freedom of expression and media and also the dissolution of the hated secret police, if only in a formal way.

The revolution also achieved for the first time a democratic election despite some failures and lack of transparency and equal opportunity in the election campaigns. The election of the constituent assembly was one of the goals that people fought to achieve, unfortunately, the Islamic Ennahdha coalition exploited the revolution win a majority in those elections.

Many of the tasks of the revolution remain unfinished because of the strength of the forces of counter revolution seeking to circumvent the revolution. Among these unfinished tasks are the enforcement of accountability; an investigation and end to corruption in government institutions; a purge state agencies, bringing those responsible to account for crimes against the people – especially putting on trial those who murdered the martyrs of the struggle – and redress for their victims.

What has been achieved by the one-year-old Constituent Assembly? And did the workers’ movement and the left have much input into its decisions?

More then a year after the election, the Constituent Assembly has still not drafted laws that reflecting the demands of the revolution. With the majority of assembly members, of representatives, Ennahdha is able to pass laws for its own benefit. This has made it clear to the people that this is no revolutionary government but a government of a new dictatorship working against the completion of the tasks of the revolution.

The people’s rejection of this government can be seen in the growing demonstrations and sit-ins in public squares and in the streets in front of government offices.

So the revolutionary process is moving slowly along with the transitional to equality.

Amnesty International says there have been some reversals of the democratisation. Protesters, activists and journalists have been attacked. What is the situation for freedom of political expression and organisation?

The Ennahda government has used the Islamic fundamentalist Salafist militias to attack independent journalists so that it dominate public media and put its loyal supporters and allies in charge of the main media institutions. It has refused to put to into practice laws guaranteeing media freedom and establishing an independent commission for information.

So, journalists are still fighting for independence and freedom.

What is the state of the trade union movement? How strong is your party in the trade union movement? Is there a problem with corruption and co-option of trade union leaders by the capitalist parties and the state?

The General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT) is the biggest union in Tunisia. The UGTT has been organised since 1952 and is playing a very important role in fighting the government’s plans.

It is true that this union suffered from corruption during the Ben Ali regime, but after the revolution it has regained its integrity, energy and a leading role social and political struggles in cooperation all with other popular organisations.

The Worker’s Party is is very strong in the UGTT. The trade union movement is working with the newly formed Popular Front, which was launched in October by 12 political parties that are all active in the UGTT.

The constituent parties of the Popular Front are left-wing parties and progressive nationalists that participated in the revolution and suffered repression under former dictatorship.

The Popular Front is the now largest political force apart from the ruling Ennahda and the “Tunisia Appeal” party, which represents the remnants of the old regime.

How much danger does Tunisia face from the religious fundamentalists?

Islamic fundamentalism remains part of the political landscape of Tunisia and occasionally expresses itself through attacks on bars, artists and police. Some fundamentalists have been killed in clashes with the police.

But the popular resistance has led to the isolation and decline of the influence of the fundamentalists. The recent manifestations of Salafist violence is due to growing government complicity with these groups.

There have been some recent significant strikes in Tunisia. Can you explain what this was about?

We’ve been organising several workers’ campaigns to claim three main things. First, the passing and implementation of the laws to regulate working conditions which remain precarious for most workers. Second, wage increases to keep up with the rising cost of living and better working conditions, especially working hours and occupational safety. Third, regulation of employment and dismissal of workers in public institutions.

Can you explain the recent protests about women’s rights in Tunisia?

Since it came to power the current government has tried to circumvent the demand for women’s rights, especially in relation to polygamy, the regulation of the minimum age of marriage and gender equality in rights and duties. But its attempts have failed because of the resistance from civil society, including the women’s associations which are very strongly engaged. Still the struggle women’s rights in Tunisia remains strong challenge.

Will the elections promised for June 2013 satisfy the popular will in Tunisia? How well do you expect the left to do in this elections? What are the prospects of a new revolutionary upsurge?

The revolutionary forces are aiming to be influential in next June’s election and to use these elections as an opportunity to achieve the demands for which the people revolted.

Our most important goal is providing employment, freedom and ending our country’s dependency on the great imperialist powers.

It is certain that the left led by the Popular Front will be active and influential in this election. According the last opinion poll, the Workers Party had 6% of the vote and is in the fourth place. But it is expected that the Popular Front would get more than 15% of the vote in the coming elections.

Because of the deterioration of the living conditions of the Tunisian people and the government’s inability to deal with these situations, a second revolution in Tunisia is also expected. The Popular Front is ready for this eventuality and prepared to lead such a revolution to achieve its goals.

What is your party’s view of the developments in Libya and Syria? Are the imperialist powers beginning to successfully manipulate the “Arab Spring”?

The imperialist powers are collaboration with reactionary regimes in the Arabic region especially Qatar and Saudi Arabia and they have succeeded in thwarting revolution in Syria by converting it from a popular uprising to a devastating and dirty civil war.

In Libya, the situation looks somewhat different, especially since the Libyans began rebuilding state institutions. But the Libyan revolution needs to make a lot more struggle to achieve Libyan people’s demands.

The imperialist powers are working hard to control the situation in the countries of the so-called “Arab spring” so they are aiming to find help customers in the area especially after the coming to power of Islamist parties in Tunisia and Egypt and their collaboration with the imperialist-Zionist agenda. In the other side, there are the ongoing revolutionary processes and the parties that lead them in both these countries.

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EMEP: Tunisian Workers Communist Party Changes Its Name

The leader of the Communist Party of Tunisian Workers (PCOT) Hamma Hammami gestures during a press conference on March 19, 2012 in Tunis. Tunisia is in a state of immobility five months after the election of members of the National Constituent Assembly (ANC) and three months after the appointment of a new transitional authority “, said Mr Hammami. AFP PHOTO/ FETHI BELAID (Photo credit should read FETHI BELAID/AFP/Getty Images)

Please note that this is a computer translation from Turkish and is not entirely accurate.

— Espresso Stalinist

Tunisian Workers’ Communist Party (PCOT) resulted in an on-site-standing name change debate. Party, the Workers’ Party of Tunisia as a way to continue after that.

Secretary-General of the party that Hamma Hammami, a tactical move in order to reach a wider audience, he said. Hammami, communism, religion, or that their decision is effective in keeping identical hostility, he said.

Hammami, change the name of the party does not mean that changes in the political line, Tunisian Workers’ Party, a Marxist-Leninist party would continue to fight, he said. There were no changes in the party’s program and constitution.

Hammami, “Tactical had to make a choice, or Islamists communism ‘is anti-religion,’ the propaganda would spend the time or the strength to tell you that’s not true, people use it to unite around the Party program, and thus the workers, the youth, the other sections of the struggle for socialism kazanabilecektik” he said.

Hammami who launched a propaganda campaign in this direction, distributing press party program stated that 500 thousand units.

Workers’ Party of Tunisia opened 60 new party organization in the region, the next step is planning to open dozens more recording Hammami, this process strengthened the party’s youth organization said. (FOREIGN NEWS)

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Tunisian Workers Communist Party Changes Name to Tunisian Workers Party

Tunisia’s eminent communist political party, the Tunisian Communist Workers Party (POCT), has officially changed its name to Tunisian Workers Party (POT). POT decided to omit the word “communist” from their title following a series of discussions that have been ongoing since February that concluded with a general referendum within the party.

“Our goal is to avoid the stereotype most Tunisians would think of when hearing the word ‘communist’,” said Mohamed Mzam, a representative of POT. Mzam stated that the name change came as a response to, “numerous admirers of the party who were suspicious about our ideology.”

Mzam explained that programs and agendas of political parties are more important than their ideologies. “Tunisians should focus on what a political party is committed to offer them on political, social, and economic levels,” he said.

Additionally, POT has participated in discussions concerning the formation of a coalition of progressive, leftist, political parties and independent politicians. “We held a meeting on Sunday during which nine parties announced that they’ll join the front. We, the coalition, aim at representing a political alternative to the two major political poles: Ennahdha and ‘pro-Dostouri’s [supporters of ideology the party of Tunisia's first president Habib Bourguiba],” Mzam added.

Hama Hammami, the secretary general of POT, told Mosaique FM radio that the Wafa movement – consisting of former members of the Congress of the Republic (CPR) – might join the coalition as well. “Both POT and the Wafa movement have a lot in common. We share similar political history with opposition and oppression by the previous regime,” Mzam reiterated.

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Tunisian Youth Arrested in Morocco to be Released

Nineteen year old Tunisian, Aymen Bhiri, will be released today from Moroccan police custody reported Radio Kalima. He was arrested for participating in an unemployment protest on Saturday in Casablanca.

Bhiri, a member of the Tunisian Communist Workers Party (POCT), was in Morocco to meet with friends and activists there, according to Mohamed Mzem, a representative from POCT.

Mzem was concerned about Bhiri’s status in Morocco, as the Moroccan authorities had promised to release him yesterday. “They had promised they were going to release him ,but nothing happened,” said Mzem.

POCT members have been active in calling for Bhiri’s return to Tunisia. “Some members of the party protested in front of the Moroccan embassy in Tunis over the kidnapping of Bhiri,” added Mzem. It was only this afternoon that Moroccan authorities finally announced their decision to release Bhiri.

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Young Tunisian comrade kidnapped and expelled by the Moroccan secret services

On 1 July, the young Tunisian Ayman Elbahri, a member of our party PCOT was kidnapped by the Moroccan secret services outside the headquarters of the Democratic Way, in the heart of Casablanca. Ayman, who had participated in Sunday’s march called by the Movement February 20, regularly visits Morocco to support the struggles at home and in solidarity with the movement of unemployed graduates.

This Monday morning, the Democratic Way comrades still no news of Ayman. The night before, many young people the February 20 Movement of Democratic Path of PADS … gathered outside the Wilaya At Amne to demand the release of militant young Tunisian.

Finally, on Tuesday we learned that our comrade was eventually released and expelled from the country, although there is free movement agreements between Morocco and Tunisia. Our fellow Moroccans are reporting these facts, based on these agreements.

Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party: Statement

Please note this translation is done by Google from the original Arabic and will not be of high quality.

— E.S.

Statement
June 12 (June)

Found in recent acts of violence and vandalism, arson and intimidation of citizens carried out by groups of bearded announces affiliation of the current Salafi in different regions of the country of Tunisia, and targeting these criminal acts, public and private property and caused a state of terror and chaos, especially areas of Sidi Bouzid, Jendouba … All under the pretext of “defending Islam and the holy places” and as “addressing the law violators.”

Has handled the “troika” of the ruling with this business, despite the condemnation of the immense popularity with what caused disruption and confusion on the interests and demands of citizens, Petrakh blatantly depth of discontent in the political circles and civil society, despite the language of intimidation used by some authority figures (such as: “Has space “- Noureddine Beheiri -,” We will implement the law on any act of violence “- broad -,” We will come who are involved in the atonement “- President equitable Marzouqi) in order to ward off and remove the charge of complicity of power with this trend, which has become loose hands and completely out of law unchecked and that the testimony of all.

Having taken these actions oriented Ascending serious since yesterday under the pretext of “defending the sanctities” and “fight the unbelievers” in reference to the incident exhibition fees to “Alabdlah,” This has coincided escalation with the lawsuit inflammatory explicit launched by “Ayman al-Zawahiri,” the fighting and the Declaration of Jihad against the whoever does not accept application of Shariah espoused by al-Qaeda.

Has started since the time of burning and destruction of many institutions, each of the “Mr. Hussein”, and “Jendouba” and “Marina” and “neighborhood solidarity” to affect the headquarters of political parties (Communist Workers Party of Tunisia, the movement of national Democrats, the Republican Party …) and the headquarters of the General Union of Tunisian Workers, centers and areas of security (Alsajuma, Sousse, Hay Riad, dizziness Hicher …).

And the Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party condemns explicitly acts of violence and vandalism, looting, arson and expresses its solidarity with all affected parties and citizens and institutions, to assure care for the general national public opinion as follows:

- To stir up the call to the fighting between the Tunisian whatever Motaha Whatever the cover and the subsequent acts of violence, arson and sabotage can not in any way serve the interests of the Tunisian people, representing a serious threat to unity, but can only serve the interests of constituencies and parties hostile to the revolution , you want to pay the people of Tunisia in the maze of violence and fighting and serving foreign agendas that stand against the people’s liberation from all forms of plunder, exploitation and subordination.

- These repeated actions which are based most often on the pretext of “defending the religion and sanctities,” has been associated with – always suspiciously – a growing popular movement and the social and the escalation of the licit movement demanding goals of the revolution in dignity and social justice, taking on dimensions most dangerous as it is located employment religion and manipulate the feelings of Muslims and the involvement of Bmekdsat people in the conflict raging between the forces of the government to circumvent the Revolution, both within and outside the government.

- Held responsible head of the government, which seeks in all shapes to impose its hegemony and to continue to circumvent the demands of the revolution, seeking to criminalize all motionless my demand and certified speech inciting against all opposers opinion employee which in many cases, religion and religious institutions, deliberate inaction in dealing with this file and in the truth of the Tunisian about the fact that these groups are suspicious outlaw Almsemsrh and religion to justify acts of terrorism and criminal in the right of citizens.

- Open calls for serious and independent investigation on the violence and vandalism, arson and perpetrators held accountable and reveal their links and their funding sources. (Financiers).

- Calls on all democratic forces and civil to unite in the face of this blatant threat to the security and freedom of citizens of the country and the unity of real substance to achieve the objectives of the revolution.

It also goes the Labour Party to the general public including young people Salafi and invite them to not to be drawn behind these calls for fighting and rivalry between the sons of one people, because the interest of the Tunisian people in his unit on the basis of completion of tasks the revolution and against all the forces of counter-revolution internal and external that you want to return the country to the rule tyranny.

Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party
Tunisia 12 June 2012

VI Congress of Emek Partisi

From En Marcha
# 1562 January 5 to 13, 2012

Resolution

We support the peoples who have rebelled for their rights and their freedom; we condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran.

Throughout 2011, the Arab peoples of North Africa and the Near East have risen one after another. They do not want to be victims of the consequences of the hegemony of monopoly capitalism nor to be subjected to poverty and unemployment, and they rejected the repression of the autocratic dictatorships that safeguarded such hegemony. The despotic regimes that have lasted for 30 to 40 years have been the main reason for the disorganization of the oppressed masses and have served as an obstacle to their attaining consciousness. The peoples who have risen up have achieved some victories but they have not been able to reap important fruits of this struggle, such as for example to achieve their own political power. Therefore, these reactionary bourgeois forces supported by Western imperialism have maintained or have tried to maintain their hegemony through the strengthening of their pillars with new collaborators, seeing that their hegemony was in difficulty.

The Arab peoples, who have risen up, have realized their potential and have tasted certain victories, which is why their struggles have still not been repressed in any country except for Libya. Despite their low level of consciousness and organization, the peoples are carrying forward their uprisings with an effort to try to overcome their weakness, and they insist on opposing the attacks by reactionary forces that have been organized especially by elements of political Islam, which has become more moderate and pro-American in almost all those countries.

We understand that the communist parties and organizations that are signing this document, gathered at the Sixth Congress of the Party of Labor of Turkey, express our pride and solidarity with the struggles of the masses of the people, not only in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Near East, but also in Europe, from Spain to Greece, and in Latin America, from Venezuela to Ecuador, for their social and popular rights and freedoms; as well we proclaim our support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people against the Zionist imperialism of Israel.

However, we are aware of the fact that our main weakness is the inadequate level of consciousness and organization of the peoples of the world, with a view to any process of struggle. The imperialists and their collaborators take advantage of this weakness in their efforts to renovate the weakened bases of their hegemony and to repress those struggles through ideological penetration and infiltration in those struggles of the peoples that imperialism claims to support, manipulating these struggles towards their own interests and eliminating the popular features of these struggles.

Western imperialism, which maintains hegemony in its hands and tries to strengthen its position in relation to the ascending imperialist powers, not only aims to reinforce its hegemony in the countries under its influence through the repression of the popular struggles, but also tries to establish its hegemony by extending its influence on the peoples and their struggles and using them as a tool in countries such as Syria and Iran, which have not yet been subjugated.

We do not support the regimes of either Assad or Khamenei. However, we stress the fact that the imperialist powers are intervening with the support of the reactionary forces in the region such as Turkey and the Saudis, in the name of support for the so-called “opposition” in Syria and Iran under the pretext of the struggle for “democracy” and “repression of the dictators”; these policies have nothing to do with the right of self-determination of the peoples or the democratic and social aspirations of peoples. We are opposed to imperialist interventions – economic as well as political and military – for whatever reason, whether they are called by their obliging collaborators or not, and we condemn such policies that only lead to war, bloodshed and suffering.

We call on the peoples of the world, especially the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be alert to the interventions and imperialist tricks such as those that have taken place in Libya, to show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to support the fight against imperialism and its reactionary forces.

Ankara, December 2011

Communist Party of Albania
Communist Party of Benin
Party of Labor of Belgium
New Party of Cyprus
Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Spain (ML)
Organization for the Reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece
Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia
Emek Partisi of Turkey

Source

Joint Statement on the situation in the Middle East

January 16, 2012

Support the people who have risen up for their rights and their freedom! We condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran!

During 2011 the Arab people in North Africa and the Middle East stood up, one after the other. They did not want to be exposed to the consequences of monopolistic capitalist hegemony, as unemployment and poverty. They said no to oppression from the autocratic dictatorships that have watched this hegemony. But the 30-40 year-old despot regimes has been the main cause of the disorganization of the oppressed masses and has also prevented them from developing their awareness. The people who stood up have won some victories, but could not reap the real fruits of their struggle, to be able to form their own political power. At the same time, these bourgeois reactionary forces, supported by Western imperialists, preserved or try to preserve its hegemony by strengthening the power base with its new partners, although this hegemony has encountered certain difficulties.

The Arab people who stood up realizing their potential and tasted victory, and their struggle has not yet been turned down in any country, except in Libya. Despite the low consciousness and organization continues their people revolt and tries to overcome their weaknesses. They insist on resisting the reactionary forces that have reorganized themselves, especially through the advent of political Islam, which has been moderate and pro-American in almost every country.

“We oppose all imperialist interventions, whatever pretext”

We, the undersigned revolutionary communist and working parties that meet the Turkish Labor Party 6 Congress, expressing our pride and solidarity with the peoples’ mass struggles, not only in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East, but also in Europe, from Spain to Greece, and in Latin America, from Venezuela to Ecuador, who are fighting for their national and social rights and freedoms, and we declare our support for the Palestinian people’s just struggle against imperialism and Israeli Zionism.

However, we are also aware of the fact that our biggest weakness is the inadequate consciousness and organization level of the world’s people, whether to rebel or other fields. And the imperialists and their collaborators exploit this weakness in attempts to renew the decaying basis of its hegemony and suppress the fighting by infiltrating the ranks of the people they claim to support, by manipulating these games in their own interest and remove them from their popular content.

The western imperialists, who have world domination in their hands and trying to strengthen its positions in competition with the rising imperialist powers, has not only aims to strengthen its domination in the countries that traditionally have been under their influence by suppressing the people’s struggles but they are also trying to establish its hegemony by influencing people and their struggles and use them as lifting rods in countries like Syria and Iran, as they have not been able to force the knee.

We support either Assad or Khamenei regime. But we also underlines the fact that when Western imperialists intervene with support from the reactionary forces in the region, the Turkish and Saudi reactionary forces, under the pretext of “democracy” and “dictator’s repression” has such a policy has nothing to do with people’s right to self or with people’s social and democratic aspirations.

We oppose all imperialist interventions – economic, political and military – whatever pretext, whether they are invited by the cooperative lackeys or not, and we condemn such a policy, which only brings war, blood and tears.

We ask all people of the world, and particularly the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be on guard against the imperialist interventions and traps in the style of the Libyan example, to show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to continue the struggle against imperialism and the reactionary forces .

Ankara, 20.12.2011

Albania’s communist party
Benin Communist Party
Belgium’s Labour
Cyprus’ new communist party
Ecuador’s Marxist-Leninist Communist Party
Spanish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninists)
Organization for the reconstruction of Greece’s Communist Party (Anasintaxi)
Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party (PCOT)
Turkey’s Workers’ Party (Emek Partisi)

Source

On the occasion of 26 anniversary of establishment of the Workers Party: Continue the struggle to achieve the goals of the revolution for freedom, social justice & national dignity

January 2

Today salutes the Tunisian Workers’ Communist Party of the 26 anniversary of its founding. On 3 January 1986, corresponding to the second anniversary of the uprising of the glorious bread, the Labour Party was born from the womb of political and social struggle against the system of employment and tyranny and persecution, as enshrined in the Constitution Party defunct on our people for decades.

The cessation of the Labour Party since its inception to the workers and the working and the people at large in the face of dictatorship. And was due to various types of oppression that cost him the martyrdom of one of the best of its militants, Comrade Nabil Prcaa, and dozens of trials and hundreds of prisoners, men and women who have been subjected to the worst kind of torture, displacement and deprivation of basic rights including the right to work, whether in the era of Bourguiba’s or Ben Ali. But that did not deter the Labour Party for steadfastness and not to compromise the interests of the people refused to recognize the coup, November 7, 1987 with blessing the majority of political forces at that time and continued defamation Bcanutatorath and Amalth circuits colonial and antagonism to the interests of the people of flagrant corruption and violation of the blatant liberties and human rights and participants from advanced positions in all political moves, popular and social to overthrow him and honor of the initial position of the MDC is not appeasement of tyranny and to cooperate with him or “try to repair it,” but the struggle revolutionary against him and the building of democracy on the ruins and not to bet on foreign powers to get rid of it but to go to the Tunisian people and work in the ranks for the uprising popular braided to overthrow the regime and the repressive apparatus and solve the election of a constituent assembly enact a new constitution lays the foundation for a democratic system for the people to achieve freedom and social justice and national dignity.

The events have confirmed the positions of the Labour Party. Have resulted in accumulations that have been achieved through the struggle of generations of Tunisian men and women, which was among the plants major student uprising and youth in February 1972 and the uprising unions on 26 January 1978 and bread riots in January 1984 and the uprising of the mining basin in 2008 and the uprisings of young people and families Jbeniana and Skhira Ben Guerdane in the summer of 2010, to the outbreak of a general popular uprising, triggered the first of Sidi Bouzid in the December 17 2010 and swept all the regions of the country and forced Ben Ali to flee on 14 January 2011. Attended the Labour Party and his youth (the Union of Communist Youth of Tunisia) and his current union (left associative democracy) in the revolution of the Tunisian people from advanced positions and contributed Manadilath and its militants in the framing of popular movements and sectoral various actors in the armed political slogans rooted and consolidated and the mouthpiece of the substantive demands of the people and draw plans devoted to the field. Has cost the party tens of detainees – including the Secretary-General – who were not released until after the flight of Ben Ali.

The Labour Party continued to struggle after the fall of Ben Ali was at the forefront of political and social movements and popular in order to complete the tasks of the revolution (trachea 1 and 2, a sit-Pardo, 1 …).

The revolution is not over, despite the election of a constituent national assembly and the appointment of a new government, the popular demands brought by the revolution has not been achieved mostly private and social and economic demands on the operator and the regional balance and social justice. The new coalition government continues to emphasize to continue the same economic and social choices of the former regime will not be eager only to send messages reassurance of the Chambers of capitalism foreign and domestic has not received from the working class and segments of the working poor and only call for austerity and threatening letters to deal Space with its actions legitimate for operating and improving the conditions of working and living. Instead of declaring that the “coalition” concrete actions to improve people’s conditions and its purchasing power and operation of his youth and the protection of Chgalih inactivated forms of precarious work and the collective expulsion he wants to download the implications of the economic crisis and protect the interests of the community Almstthreyh local and foreign.

Work on progress in achieving the goals of the revolution through the formulation of a progressive democratic constitution and the alleviation of the crisis on the social strata and classes of people need to fight for the immediate and concrete demands the following:

1 – approved minimum wage industrial and agricultural standard is 400 dinars a month.

2 – age grant unemployment estimated two-thirds of the minimum wage per month for each act out of work until receiving a job with the treatment and free movement.

3 – to freeze prices of basic consumer goods (cereals and their derivatives, vegetables, milk, medicines …) and the cost of electricity, water, gas and communications for two consecutive years at least.

4 – state intervention directly to the investment in order to create new jobs and the continent, especially in those that are disadvantaged and more unemployment.

5 – Increasing the grant university to 100 dinars, dissemination and enable all needy students, both girls and boys from the public right of residence at least three years of the study period.

6 – Review of the labor laws and control mechanisms in the direction of Cgalin protection from arbitrary eviction and precarious forms of work and the violation of their professional and social.

7 – to protect individual and public freedoms of every violation, whether state or groups of satisfaction and other pending enactment of a new constitution which guarantees and protects these freedoms.

8 – freeze the payment of external debt and its services for 3 years to ease the debt burden on the state budget and revenue guidance for the public investment.

9 – Adoption of a special tax on large fortunes and recover Fees Almtkhaldh tax owed by companies and institutions and the reduction in state expenditures and control the imports of luxury.

10 – the foundations for the rapid development of transitional justice and accountability of the killers of the martyrs and symbols of tyranny and corruption in the former regime and to ensure the immediate treatment of the wounded in order to preserve their lives and maintain their dignity.

11 – stand in front of all forms of prejudice to national independence and whatever emanating from the address of each direct foreign intervention, or by (Qatar …) in the affairs of the Tunisian people and their revolution.

The Labour Party will continue, as it was for six and twenty years have gone by, with the Tunisian people and to his part in defending the revolution and move it forward until a full investigation of its objectives.

Long live the Communist Workers Party of Tunisia
Long live the Revolution of Tunisia

Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party
3 January 2012

Source

Tunisia: Interview with Communist Workers’ Party (PCOT) leaders

Ted Walker interviews Samir Taamallah, Chrif Khraief and Jilani Hamemi

November 26, 2011 — Al-Thawra Eyewitness, posted at Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal with the author’s permission — I first met with Samir Taamallah, a former political prisoner and member of the central committee of the Communist Worker’s Party of Tunisia (PCOT), in Tunis on October 4, 2011, to discuss the October 23 Constituent Assembly election and Tunisia’s ongoing revolutionary struggle. The first part of the interview took place before the election. The follow-up interview part took place after the results were known.

* * *

How is the election campaign going?

Samir Taamallah: We are still in the beginning of the campaign – opening offices in all regions, getting together the essential means of a campaign; these things are not easy for a party without major financial support like ours! We are working in communities, printing flyers and posters, distributing as much of our material as we can with few resources. In addition, we are also profiling ourselves on the internet – through Facebook, Twitter, our website.

What issues have you been campaigning on?

We’ve mainly been campaigning on three fronts – the political, the social and the economic.

On the political side, the issue is how to write the constitution and how the new parliament will be formed. We are struggling for the new constitution to defend freedom of thought and belief, individual liberty, gender equality and the right of employment. On this front, we are also looking for a change with Tunisia’s foreign relations, especially its relationship with Israel.

On the social front, we are fighting for essential services to be made available to all citizens – free health care, free education, free housing – as well as for fairer income levels to address inequality. Right now we are calling for an increase in the minimum wage to around 400 dinars a month to keep up with inflation.

On economic issues, we are part of the campaign to suspend debt service payments, and to channel this money towards investmentment in Tunisia. At least in the short term, we need to cancel these payments if we are to develop our economy. We are also encouragining Tunisian investment for the needs of our country, not for profit – we are not against investment, but we want it to be done in a reasonable way that benefits the people. Under Ben Ali, all capital was directed and exploited by the regime – everyone who wanted to start a business competing with the regime’s favoured monopolies would have problems with the government.

Do you think the election will address the problems facing Tunisia?

That depends on what happens after the election. There are two possible outcomes from this election – either the government of interim president al-Baji al-Sebsi will stay in power and continue working as it has, or we will build a new government chosen by the Constituent Assembly. The PCOT is fighting for the latter course. We believe that only a new government can make real immediate inroads into the structure of the old regime. We believe that the Sebsi government is putting obstacles in front of the process of democratic transition, for example, the possibility of referenda, which are being discussed right now, which will take more time to organise and delay a real transition to democracy.

The PCOT stands for a transitional justice. We believe that there can be no democracy without getting rid of the structures of corruption and all figures from the former regime being judged in a fair way. For this to happen, we need a new government to form.

What were your personal experiences of repression under Ben Ali?

I am a member of the national leadership within PCOT. In 1994, I was sentenced to five years and three months in prison – but I was not imprisoned. I remained underground, constantly moving from place to place, and in that way I stayed safe from the regime.

Then in February 1998, I was again judged and this time sentenced to nine years and three months. As with the first time, I lived underground; I was eventually imprisoned in 2002, along with [PCOT leader] Hamma Hammami and Abdel Jabbar Mandouri. In the same year, we were released from prison, and we continued the struggle.

We never changed our minds or made concessions to the regime, despite the Ben Ali regime’s persecution. We faced beating, threats, everyday fighting with the police – this was the common experience for every communist militant in Tunisia before the revolution.

In your opinion, will the revolution of January 14, 2011, keep going?

The PCOT sees a revolution not just as a moment but a progression of events over time. We consider the election as just a crossroads between revolutionary forces, which want to pursue the revolution until it creates the popular awareness of the meaning and value of freedoms as a right, and the counter-revolutionary powers, which include the former members of [Ben Ali's] Democratic Constitutional Rally (RCD). Each member of the central committee of the RCD has formed their own party; they are working in the same way to go back to the past and renew their power.

Other counter-revolutionary powers include the transitional government, which has made fictitious concessions to calm down the population. For example, the decision was made to dissolve the political police of the State Security Department; yet it is well known that all members of the bureau were found new jobs one by one and are still working.

We believe that the Sebsi government is struggling against the revolution – putting obstacles in the way of justice, undermining our independance, maintaining the regime’s media. The government is ruling beyond its mandate and is illegitimate. For example, the old judicial files for the Trabelsi family or other regime figures are not being pursued and they are being allowed to flee the country one by one or only pursued for small crimes – but not for murders or drug trafficking.

Parties using money to buy votes are also acting as counter-revolutionary powers; they can lead the revolution in the wrong path by using its slogans, for example, “Give your vote to the revolution”. Those who buy your vote today will sell you tomorrow.

We believe that the counter-revolutionary powers are negotiating with the population, giving some rights against security and political stability. But they are not making the kind of deep social and economic change the revolution was fighting for, change that we need in order to start on a new basis. For example, the violent conflicts between the clans in the south are being empowered by the counter-revolution giving them political capital, with help of the political police, as a way of undermining the revolution. People’s energy is being channelled into fighting a fake problem which has never existed in Tunisia in order to push the revolution from its path.

Tunisians are very aware of this situation, but still have a peaceful temper, and are willing to give the interim government a chance to step down and for the Constituent Assembly to move the democratic transition forward; but if the election doesn’t deliver real change they are ready to make another revolution. The consciousness of Tunisians is strong; so far, all these attempts against the revolution have failed.

Are elections the only way forward for Tunisia’s revolution?

From the beginning, we wanted to form a national revolutionary government made up of parties, associations, independents – but other powers refused. The Higher Independent Election Committee is a fake body set up to counter this idea and instead channel the revolution into protecting the status quo.

We’ve reached the point where elections, if transparent, honest and fair can really help the success of a democratic transition. The PCOT is willing to give the elections a chance and see the outcome.

We are willing to not return to the beginning point of the January 14 uprising, but to look forward to the revolutionary struggle. The new generation of Tunisians are no longer afraid of anything. Fear was the main way by which Ben Ali stayed in power, but that is now useless.

* * *

The following questions were answered by Chrif Khraief and Jilani Hamemi after the October 23, 2011 election. The response to the first question comes from a statement by Hamma Hammami. A more detailed statement by the PCOT on the election result was released on October 29 (the original Arabic can be read here. It has been translated into English by The Moor Next Door). For more details on the results of the Constituent Assembly election, see the infographic here.

* * *

How do you feel about PCOT’s results in the election? Do you feel the campaign was successful in raising the issues that you wanted to?

Hamma Hammami: Some newspapers consider that the election of October 23 was extraordinary and unique, furthermore, perfect; this is clearly an exaggeration. We have to avoid blind optimism for the election’s results, and instead consider it with more criticism.

There were many complaints against some lists, and I don’t think the judiciary system would be rude in taking positions in their affairs. But despite our criticism, the PCOT isn’t asking to re-run the election or to cancel it, however we have some remarks.

First, the reduced number of participants in the elections: according to the ISIE, only 48.9% have voted! Such statistics are worrying and their impact on the political future of the Constituent Assembly would be important, because the constitution doesn’t reflect the opinion of the majority. To heal this problem, the PCOT is calling for the constitution, once it is drafted, to be presented to the people in a referendum. Thus, the Tunisian population can accept it or not.

Second, political money (money invested by parties in their electoral campaign) was a significant factor in the results. No one can deny that there obvious differences between spending an average 25 dinars per elector and spending 500 dinars.

Third, the use of religious rhetoric in mosques and public areas directly and indirectly influenced people. The biggest failure is that people who should have reacted against such attempts to influence voters didn’t, and behaved just as passively as they did under Ben Ali regime. It’s just like there were hidden powers that wanted to divide atheists and religious people.

Fourth, the poor role played by the media, especially the public media, meant that it didn’t help people distinguish, choose and understand what the constitution does and its content means.

Fifth, there were mutual attacks between parties which sometimes reached a very pitiful level.

Sixth, many infractions of electoral rules were noticed in polling stations, confirmed by a wide number of observers.

To conclude: no one can deny that the Tunisian election was manipulated by international actors (most notably US and European ones) which are aiming to limit the Tunisian revolution to minor reforms and modifications and want to sustain the former system, and maintain former pro-capitalist economic, political and social policies. This foreign intervention was facilitated by the transitonal government and some parties, because during the election campaign there were many people travelling in and out Tunisia and we there were many assurances from different parties that Tunisia would maintain the old political and economic policies.

How does PCOT evaluate its own participation in the election?

Chrif Khraief: We estimate that our participation was very weak, and we’re not satisfied because three seats in the assembly doesn’t reflect the real weight of the PCOT on the streets. No one can deny the historic role, the historic activism and the big impact of the PCOT in building the revolution. We are looking critically at ourselves all the time for the purpose of going forward and overcoming our weaknesses and improving ourselves.

It’s true that the PCOT has learnt revolutionary activism and have always done it very well, but we’ve never learnt or experienced electoral campaigning. We conducted a clean electoral campaign in which we focused on our program and proposals for the constitution and the transitional government and we relied on our activists’ energy and motivation, mainly young ones, but we’ve suffered from our weak implantation in cities and countryside, which negatively impacted on transforming our political reputation into an electoral power. And we lost many voices by changing our name “PCOT” to “Al Badil (Revolutionary Alternative)”; many people didn’t recognise us on polling day.

We made a big mistake when we didn’t organise a supervisor for each polling station, which allowed some parties to use the opportunity to influence people. We’ve also faced the electoral campaign with very modest material means and we relied on campaign funding given by the authorities, which reached us very late in the campaign. Additionally, our candidates were the target of a very rude campaign of attacks because of our principles and integrity; some parties spread many rumours against us which didn’t allow us reach our target result of 10%.

Although our results are not satisfying, we’ve learnt a lot from this experience, we actually know our weaknesses and we are more convinced than ever of our principles.

Do you feel like the new government will make any deep social or economic changes? Will it pursue real justice against the former regime?

Chrif Khraief: We don’t believe that the new government, with its current composition, is willing to make radical and real changes on the social and economic fronts. Even before the first sitting of the Constituent Assembly, government members are reassuring the world that they would carry on the same way as the former regime. This is especially true regarding economic policy; they have stated they will pay foreign debts and they still sustaining the market economy that led to political dictatorship, economic regression and social inequality.

On the social front, the Constituent Assembly has shown no interest in poor people and disadvantaged interior of Tunisia, which were neglected for a long time under Ben Ali, and that was one of the reasons behind the protests and strikes. And given the lack of judicial reform, even if the government makes decisions, they would be fake because we can’t exercise real democracy when the agents of the former regime are still active, the judiciary system is still not fair or free, the media is still not free, the administration is still corrupt and people involved in torture and corruption are still free. We can’t talk about real justice without talking about accountability and giving back esteem to the victims of Ben Ali.

There have been major strikes in the tourism, transport and other industries since the election. Have PCOT members been involved in or supporting these actions? What role is the General Union of Tunisian Workers (UGTT) taking in the revolutionary struggle?

Chrif Khraief: The PCOT was not behind those protests, but it’s supporting them and forever will! We will insist that the government realise the promises it gave just after the revolution — like cancelling interim work wages, subsidising those worked on a fixed wage, adopting transparent standards of recruitment.

Workers are, at present, split into two groups. There are revolutionaries who aim to concretise internal democracy within the General Union of Tunisian Workers, and defend workers against capitalists and bosses. This includes democrats, left, syndicalists and others. This was always present in the brightest moment of the UGTT: the strike of January 26, 1978; the bread revolution of 1984; legitimacy fights of 1985; support for Iraq in Gulf War of 1990; the Redeyef and Oum Laarayes uprising of 2008. But mainly and above all, these workers were involved in the revolutionary movements that led to the downfall of Ben Ali on January 14, 2011.

All activists of this kind are going to have an assembly in December to pursue the path of revolution and to install a real democracy and to pursue defending workers’ rights.

[The second kind of workers] are the bureaucrats who represent the counter-revolutionary power (bosses’ syndicate) that wants negotiations to fail … rather than making the union a tool of worker’s independence and power. These bureaucrats are the ones who supported Ben Ali until the last moment and treated revolutionaries as troublemakers.

What do you think about the #Occupy protest movement that has been growing around the world and which saw an Occupy Tunis protest on November 11?

Jilani Hamemi: The #Occupy protest movement that began in Wall Street is a logical consequence of the collapsing capitalist system. In fact, the capitalist system has passed through many crises through its history, but they are getting closer and closer … And now, the Occupy protest movement is giving hope that we can change this capitalist system to a communist one. This movement is tagging its origin to the “Arab spring” and it’s materialising into a similar revolutionary struggle against miserable life conditions.

The capitalist system is now making every effort to absorb the street’s anger and make frequent interventions – but these have not worked so far, because the people want real change: a minimum guaranteed industrial wage, a guaranteed yearly income, the right of work, the right to free education, of public health care, the cancelling of debts, and even the cancelling of many countries foreign debt, such as Tunisia’s. They are demanding a new society based on democracy, equality and freedom.

That’s the real way of struggle. We have to hold on to reach our objective. The struggle won’t be easy, but it’s not impossible for us to win. But we must remain critically aware of the movement’s weaknesses.

Source

PCOT: On the first anniversary of the outbreak of the revolution: Continuous process to achieve the goals of the revolution

December 16, 2011

On this day of the year Alvart spark off the revolution sparked by the Tunisian Martyr Mohammed Bouazizi of Sidi Bouzid. The flames spread quickly this revolution to include all areas of the country and ends to drop Ben Ali on 14 January 2011, forcing him to escape unscathed after a dictatorship as long as 23 years.

Have revolted the Tunisian people, and fell from the ranks of hundreds of martyrs and wounded, in order to put an end to suffering from the tyranny and exploitation of obscene, unemployment, poverty and marginalization, corruption and dependency, for Tunisia a new state where sons and daughters their freedom and their rights and dignity in a democratic system reflects their will.

Here it is after a year of the outbreak of the revolution is still an ongoing process to achieve the goals of the revolution and to confront all attempts to circumvent them by successive governments since the overthrow of Ben Ali. These governments associated with the old regime did not achieve the fundamental reforms of political, economic, social and cultural rights, which people want to get out of more than half a century of tyranny.

While the election, such as the National Constituent Assembly to demand an investigation of the demands of the revolution, the results of these elections did not dispel fears of large segments of the population. The ruling coalition led by the new “Renaissance Movement” has given so far, through his conduct in the Constituent Assembly and outside, signs do not confirm that we are moving towards the final pieces of totalitarianism, but threaten his return with a new service to the interests of minorities reactionary foreign and domestic.

The Tunisian people the freedom While most deadly of economic and social conditions have not changed, but worsened in recent months, which explains the proliferation of protests and sit-ins, which are sometimes taken violent forms and sometimes exploited by some elements of the deviant acts of sabotage and commit robberies.

Nothing in the statements of the leaders of the ruling coalition’s new, who kept the program on the same choices of the former regime of unbridled capitalism and subsidiaries, which promises to address a serious and deep for this situation but there are intentions to load the people once again the consequences of crises did not create the title “austerity” or “sacrifice” to save the country without prejudice to the interests of the owners of large wealth who Ngoloa in the era of Ben Ali.

The Communist Workers Party of Tunisia, who occupied since its inception in 1986, front row in the resistance to dictatorship and to defend the interests of classes and groups toiling and poor, and participated actively in the revolution and confronted, and still all attempts to circumvent them, and meet him for the blood of the martyrs, announcing this momentous occasion to continue struggle in order to:

1 complete functions and a state of revolution, civil law, democracy and modern investigated by the Tunisian people in which the political and social liberation and national levels.

2 – Adoption of a new constitution guarantees individual liberties, public and dedicated gender equality and the sovereignty of the people on the state and resources of the country and its resources.

3 – achieve dignity for all citizens and enable them to work right in the tar, health, education and coverage of social and environmental sound.

4 – try the killers of the martyrs and accounting symbols of tyranny and corruption and the establishment of transitional justice which offers all guarantees of a fair trial.

5 – Edit the national decision of the dependence of the colonial and Zionist circles and reactionary.

6 – to work directly on the freezing of prices of basic materials and the reduction in the prices of other materials is considered to antitrust Belkma and manipulation of people and interests.

7 – Adoption of a formal grant of the idle to work and enable them to transport and treatment gratis.

8 – Adoption of the programs of the immediate areas of impoverished and marginalized groups within the country and the capital (neighborhoods).

9 – dissemination of the grant (with lift in value) and housing for the children of university classes and the poor.

10 – suspension of payment of the debt for three years.

11 – recovery of the looted money from home and abroad.

12 – Adoption of a special tax on large fortunes.

13 – the reduction in state expenditures and control the imports of luxury and unnecessary.

Long live the Revolution
Long live the people of Tunisia

Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party
December 17, 2011

Source

Qatari Regime “An Enemy to Tunisia and Arab World”: Hama Hamami Communist Workers Party of Tunisia (PCOT)

Hama Hamami Leader of Communist Workers Party of Tunisia (POCT) , claimed yesterday (i.e 19th October 2011 –editor OA) that ”The Qatari regime is an enemy to Tunisia and the Arab World,” referring to Qatar’s alleged involvement in the guiding of democratic uprisings of 2011 in North Africa and the Middle East.

Qatar’s role in the “Arab Spring” has been a source of controversy among politicians and citizens across the Arabic-speaking world.

Many have claimed that the tiny Gulf emirate has been promoting its agenda through its television channel Al Jazeera, while others have claimed that Qatar has broader motives for backing and supporting Islamist parties.

The Tunisian Islamist Party Ennahda, whose historic election victory solidified its hold on the largest share of seats in the Constituent Assembly, was accused of having affiliations with, and accepting financial aid from, Qatar.

The extent of political and economic Qatari involvement in Tunisia’s affairs has been a large point of contention in Tunisia since the revolution. Hamma Hamami, leader of POCT, stated that Qatar is playing a dangerous game, and is only serving its own agenda. He also added that Qatar is an agent of USA and Israel.

“Qatar is playing a dangerous role under the umbrella of USA; it is a government that serves America’s agenda, and also has direct relations with Israel. Qatar’s intentions are not patriotic,” Hamami said.

Hamami also asserted that Qatar is attempting to guide moderate Islamic parties, which are popular in Qatar, toward the political choices of the USA.

“Qatar is conditioning popular Islamic parties to serve American and Western interests, and they are managing to achieve that end through the messages that Ennahda is sending to America and Western society. Ennahda is basically assuring the west that the relationship between Tunisia and the West will not change. I do not have concrete proof but this is my political analysis.”

Hamami also referred specifically to Al Jazeera, claiming that during the electoral campaign the network was 90% pro-Ennahda.

When asked about Qatar’s support for Tunisia economically, he said that Tunisia does not need financial aid as much as it needs a, “political economy.”

“Tunisia is a self-sufficient country that is rich with natural resources – it is not about having money. A good example is Libya: The country was rich but they were living in awful conditions,” he added.

“The revolutions were authentic, but the USA wants to orient these new democratic movements in their own direction,” he added.

Samir Dilou, an Ennahda member who is rumored to hold the post of the Human Rights and Transitional Justice Minister (and to be spokesperson of the upcoming Government) disagreed with Hamami.

“I respect what he said, but I do not agree with him. It is his political opinion and it lacks any concrete proof.”

He added that Tunisia’s relations with Qatar are no different from Tunisia’s relations with other Arab countries.

“Our relations with Qatar are nothing but friendly, just like any other Arab country. We want what’s in our nation’s best interest, and if that involves having economic relations with Qatar, or any other Arab country, then we will not be against it. We welcome all Arab investors.”

When asked about Al Jazeera being Pro-Ennahda, he replied,”We actually protested against Al Jazeera before because some of its broadcasts were anti-Ennahda. We respect media but Al Jazeera is sometimes right and sometimes wrong.”

Source

PCOT: Money and religion were used to manipulate elections in Tunisia

The election result “gives a misleading picture and do not reflect the party’s role and influence through their participation in the Tunisian revolution.” Hamma Hammami, secretary general of PCOT the press conference in Tunis on 29 in October.

TUNIS (TAP) – “Violations and infringements committed in the election campaign and on the day of the Constituent Assembly election impacted considerably on the credibility and transparency of elections,” said Secretary-General of the Tunisian Workers’ Communist Party (PCOT) Hamma Hammami.

Speaking at a news conference held on Saturday in Tunis, Mr. Hammami said the PCOT won three seats in the precincts of Sfax 1, Kairouan and Siliana, adding that the results “are deceiving and do not reflect the weight of the party and the level of its participation in the Tunisian Revolution.”

He also believed necessary to review the first multi-party elections in Tunisia and shed light on shortcomings and infringements recorded so as to “draw lessons and make sure they will not take place in the next elections.”

“Poor turn-out, suspicious funding of some candidate tickets in the elections and the partiality of several public media impacted considerably on the results of the election,” he underlined.

Moreover, the Secretary-General of PCOT denounced the use of religion in mosques and public spaces for political purposes and the launch of large-scale smear campaigns against several revolutionary forces including the PCOT.

These acts, he said, were aimed to “divert the public opinion from fundamental issues and direct its attention to ideological conflicts to break its unity.”

In this regard, Mr. Hammami expressed hope that the progressive and left forces in Tunisia draw lessons from this experience and close ranks to prepare for the next events, denying that his party had received any request for coalition in the Constituent Assembly.

The chairman of the legal committee of the party’s election campaign Habib Ziyadi said the PCOT filed appeals in the precincts of Zaghouan and Gafsa, mainly for violations committed by Al-Aridha (Popular Petition) and the “Free Patriotic Party,” infringement in counting in the precinct of Ariana and mistakes made in counting votes in Sidi Bouzid.

Source

PCE (M-L) Hamma Hammami Interview

PCOT headquarters

March 5, 2011. Tunisia

HAMM: About the events in my country we say we are half way to the revolution, that is, the revolution continues. On January 14 the people overthrew the dictator after a month of heroic struggle, we got rid of the dictator, but not the dictatorship that remains in reconstitution in the judicial bodies in the puppet parliament and the Senate, the state apparatus and all police, in short, all the bureaucratic apparatus. The Tunisian people have not been spared the social and economic suffocation exercised by a minority of comprador. That is, after the removal of Ben Ali, the government continued composed of elements of the apparatus and the party of the dictator, the government was extended with some reformist and liberal members of the opposition essentially two games, the former party revisionist had become a reformist party and came to work with Ben Ali and the other a pseudo-liberal party called the Progressive Democratic Party (PDP).

Members of the two parties involved in the self-styled government of “National Union.” That government tried to sabotage the revolution and reduced to a mere liberalization of the regime, by patching of some reforms. Faced with this situation, the town continued with the revolution, the fight continued with slogans like “do not want just to” large ” [2] Ben Ali, but is also awarded the dictatorship, we want to change the political system, build a new democratic regime … “

So the struggle continued against the government of “National Union” led by former Prime Minister Ben Ali, Gannouchi. But the government could not resist the pull of popular struggle and fell about two weeks after the escape of Ben Ali.

The prime minister himself, Gannouchi, formed a new government, which were not part of some members of the old regime, and were replaced by other secondary. It was essentially a reactionary government tried to cover up with some reforms. A level of popular struggles, it made some areas of freedom of expression, assembly and demonstration. It was possible to bring down several officers, both national and local and regional, and across the country are succeeding in establishing people’s power centers, the “Assembly to safeguard the revolution.” These new powers are popular organizing more and more, and managed to impose some demands to the government. But real power remained in the hands of the reaction, responsible for Ben Ali regime. But, as Lenin said, in the revolution the key issue is power. Therefore, while the power is not in the hands of people can not say that this phase of the revolution is over.

And indeed, as you have seen, the continuous struggle against reaction that seeks to preserve the old regime “liberalizing.” In this maneuver, it must be said loud and clear, involving U.S. government, France, the European Union itself, trying to stop the movement, so that, as Sarkozy’s government, this movement does not exceed the bourgeois framework.

Moreover, the revolutionary movement, popular, radical and wants a democratic republic, in this context, the confrontation between popular movements and the provisional Government was accentuated, and launched the slogan “dégage, government, dégage” shouted slogan until the last corner of the country. The objectives of this phase of the struggle, were threefold: To overthrow the interim government, convening a constituent assembly, and move the democratic republic, parliament. These concentrations were multiplied slogans and rallies. The government was forced to make concessions, but managed to stay. It should be stressed that the reaction has tried to exploit weaknesses. If the revolution has not yet completed, has been due to lack of awareness and decision, which left us half way, with a weak government and a popular movement that drags weaknesses. We are in a more or less influenced by power. It’s a situation as you have pointed out, Comrade Marco, reminds us a bit 1917.

There is a political unit within the popular movement, they shout the same slogans, which can be summarized as “freedom and national dignity.” Unit slogans are left Tunisia, unity among our party, the TCO, and other leftist forces. It should be emphasized that the actions undertaken, there has been no sectarian slogans, religious, for example, or of a partisan nature. Always seek unitary political slogans, socio-economic and anti-imperialist.

I must say that the efforts of our Party and other opposition parties, for more than six years, have created a Committee for Freedom and Rights. Is a group in which there are liberals, Islamists, independents, and of course our party. Until late 2005, when the left was proposing something, Islamists boycotted it, and when the proposals came from the Islamists, it was the left that boycotted. That is, there was a clear division. After 2005, we achieved a common work around the axis of freedom for the political forces work together to reflect on the differences with the Islamists, women’s rights, freedom of conscience, on the design of a system democratic, or a regime based on popular sovereignty.

With the Islamists came to a very important result with commonalities that led to a democratic platform on the right of women, freedom of conscience, and created an intellectual and political climate favorable.

Since 2008, with the demonstrations in the mining area of ​​Gafza, ideological tensions subsided within Tunisian political opposition, to make way for agreements on political and socio-economic problems, in the revolt in the mining, all left opposition, all, including Islamists, supported the motion. From then on all issues of the Tunisian political scene, were reached with the Islamists, the liberal reformers, and so on., Which helped create a favorable climate.

A weak point has been the lack of a nationally unique address. It has been much speculation about the spontaneous nature of the revolution, but it was really something spontaneous in the sense of a lack of awareness or a total lack of organization. This revolution took a very broad popular character, and in each region and locality were political activists, trade unionists, human rights fighters … who have led and participated in the fighting, as did our party. There was a degree of awareness, organization, which has enabled the movement to resist repression, which has enabled the movement to find each time the appropriate instructions and forms needed. But again, at the national level that has been on the lack of a firmly established political force, and this applies to us and the other forces, as we are concerned by the severe repression suffered in recent years that we were hit hard.

Despite the efforts that our party has done to bring together the democratic opposition, there was a lack of will to achieve a common work in the country, a gap that has remained almost until the fall of Ben Ali. They were people of liberal and reformist forces, which relied more on measures to reform the Ben Ali regime in the revolutionary movement. The two most representative of the reformist parties continued until the last day without reporting to Ben Ali and continued to refuse to reform the penal code, which led to the democratic opposition forces not to sign the petition.

At the same time the revolution began to overcome their own weaknesses, for example, on the initiative of our party to launch from the first day the slogan of “constitution of a National Assembly,” for all local and regional parts of the system were escaped, the police fled, the National Guard as well. So we have launched the slogan be everywhere Popular Committee, and these assemblies, committees, etc. They took the security in their hands to deal with criminals and bandits, and the forces of counterrevolution.

In another area, the revolutionary movement has forced in practice left to join. With the collapse of Ben Ali, the revolutionary forces of the nationalist left and join in the “Front January 14.” Front brings together the forces that confront the Government, in varying degrees, political parties, nationalists, trade unions, then join us for the creation of the National Council for the Preservation of the Revolution. Since then, despite many problems, concessions had to be done, discussions, etc.., Discouraging the common work, it was possible to combine the forces of revolution and progress was made together and brought down the second provisional government. The government first called itself the “national unity” and it was not, was a government of Ben Ali a, so to speak. The 2 nd government, provisional, was an attempt to preserve, through reforms, essential aspects of former Prime Minister of that government, Mohamed Gannouchi, was against the creation of the Constituent Assembly, to the claim of the Constitution, but just about moments before he resigned, Gannouchi said: “This country needs a constitutional assembly” … He resigned after making a reaction save time to regroup, which they have done in the last month, those active forces of the counterrevolution, consist essentially of old party members Ben Ali, the political police and militia in the pay of the oligarchy, who have committed terrorist acts against civilians, acts of vandalism to terrorize the people and let them know that “or us or anarchy.”

This provisional government showed tolerance towards those counterrevolutionary groups, and when he had the arrests of some of his men, did the police let them go. They wanted to terrorize the population, suggested that there was a danger of military intervention, even from abroad, or beaten by Islamist or leftist forces … all with the purpose of terrorizing the people. That government had the clear support of the United States, whose representatives have come to Tunisia several times, also was supported by the European Union promised a large aid material, and particularly the government of Sarkozy, in addition to the governments of Spain, Zapatero, and Italy with Berlusconi. All of them supported Ben Ali to the last day.

The United States, perhaps more intelligent, they began to express some reluctance when captured that government could not maintain that his time was short. As I said, that government did allow time to reorganize counter-revolutionary forces again, despite this, the popular forces we get rid of the 2 nd interim government.

We are now in a new phase in which the forces of revolution we eliminate all vestiges of the dictatorship. This new phase has just begun with the appointment of another Prime Minister Beji Kaied Sebsi, who has promised to submit to the will of the Tunisian people, to elect a Constituent Assembly elections to be held on 26 July this year.

Ben Ali’s party has been legally dissolved, which is also a victory of the people. The Constitution no longer applies, have been recognized, authenticated, legalized political parties and organizations, and hopefully it is the TCO [3] in the coming days. Many of the former officials will be judged. The government is forced to make concessions, but remain elements of the dictatorship are still there, as the political police, administration, judiciary, which must be radically changed.

The  Sebsi Government is rushing to prepare for the elections to the Constituent Assembly, but not in a democratic setting, away from people without the direct involvement of the forces of revolution. The fight now, then, will deliver in this area. The revolutionary forces must prepare for the elections to the Constituent Assembly in a truly democratic environment, for which there is to dissolve the political police [4] , to repeal the existing laws, and when provisionally, pending a new structure for the country, determined the Constituent Assembly to take concrete action on the administration of justice, also on the media apparatus, to ensure democratize the process to the Constituent Assembly.

As to the disposition of forces, we can say that the revolutionary are mobilized, it is very important. The revolutionary forces are united, but we fear, though still unclear, a split within the National Committee for the Safeguarding of the Revolution, between the revolutionary forces and democratic and reformist forces that seek a compromise with the current government . Anyway, we will continue with our tactics to conserve and advocacy, to strengthen the structures that emerged from the revolution, both nationally and in the face January 14 and in the towns and regions with the revolutionary Assemblies, to strengthen them while popular, and prepare for elections to the Constituent Assembly.

Message to the Congress of the Workers’ Communist party of Tunisia by M-L group “Revolution”

Dear comrades of the Workers’ Communist Party of Tunisia (PCOT)

After years of suppression, imprisonments, torture and martyrdoms of many courageous cadres, the PCOT has won ever more respect and authority among the Tunisian workers and youth. The party and its leadership, where comrade Hamma must be mentioned in particular, has played an important role in the Tunisian uprising and the ousting of dictator Ben Ali last winter. We are proud to belong to the same international movement as the PCOT.

Your Congress is taking place at a time when the Tunisian uprising is at a serious crossroad. The internal and external cronies of Ben Ali, the imperialists who backed the old regime, are desperately working to put an end to the revolutionary process and to bring things back to the imperialist and neocolonial «normality». The cowardly NATO-bombing of neighbouring Libya and the imperialists’ active infiltration and utilization of the Benghazi «rebels» is for sure a warning to the other peoples in Northern Africa, threatening them to obey the imperialist «New world order».

We hope and believe that the Tunisian workers, youth, women and peasants will not yield to the imperialist plots, and that they will continue and fulfil the revolutionary national and democratic process they have embarked upon. The stronger the influence and leadership of the PCOT, the more certain the victory will be.

If there is anything we can do in our country in the way of practical solidarity with the PCOT and the Tunisian revolt, we will respond as best we can with our very limited resources.

Wishing you all success in the proceedings of the congress, which most certainly will give new energy and mature guidance to the working peoples of Tunisia.

Long live the Tunisian example!
Long live the PCOT!
Long live proletarian internationalism!

Our revolutionary fraternal greetings,

Marxist-Leninist Organization Revolusjon – Norway

Oslo, July 22nd 2011

Studies X: ‘Ethics’ & Performance

The translation below is an excerpt from the Tunisian Communist Workers Party pamphlet “On Secularism,” by Hamma Hammami other sections of which has been translated elsewhere on this blog. This excerpt was posted on the PCOT’s website on 27 October, 2011.

It is interesting that this was posted so close to the election; it appears to reinforce convictions in the rightness of the leftist perspective as non-communist forces gained on the party, especially in the Islamist tendency (who are mentioned explicitly; in PCOT literature الظلاميون ’obscurantists’ is often a euphemism for Islamists). The re-publication of this excerpt on the site can be seen as a part of the party’s reaction to the electoral environment in general; communist tendencies in most Arab countries today are non-conformist in that they are the opposite of dominant opposition and political forces which are accommodating of political Islam and religious views (which are vastly more popular), the market liberal economic consensus (especially among non-Islamist factions) and the predominant view of religion in society which is usually conservative and comfortable with having religion used as a core pillar of collective (including national) identity. It focuses on the changing nature of socially acceptable behavior and political ideas.

‘Ethics’ from ‘On Secularism’

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3938

From: PCOT

Date: 27 October, 2011 (Originally 18 March, 1988)

History demonstrates the fact that there are many ethics. Ethics are sophisticated and their contents change across ages. There is a morality about slavery, feudalism, capitalism and socialism. It is the pattern of production that changes values such that what was acceptable yesterday is rejected today and what was ‘good’ yesterday is ‘evil’ today and so on. To simplify the matter and bring it closer to the mind of the reader let us cite examples from daily life.

An informed worker knows very well that a worker that breaks strikes and demonstrations his accomplices, ‘honest’ and ‘fair’ and his high moral character by some while in the eyes of his colleagues he is a traitor and a ‘pimp.’ The worker who participates and is active in strikes is known as ‘confusing’ and of ‘of a miserable sect’ to authorities but is seen as a bold and brave defender of justice in the eyes of his comrades.

On the other hand, women who are submissive, humiliated, docile and who accept for themselves all order of injustice is a righteous woman and ‘a daughter of the family’ in eyes of the patriarchal mentality of the reactionaries while a smart, liberal woman who lifts her head and struggles relentlessly for her rights is seen as ‘reckless’ and ‘bad’ and ‘poorly educated.’

Thirdly, we all know as well that many of the bearded ones who demonstrate piety and devotion are loons and thieves in hiding.

These three examples show that moral precepts are not just held by the community but vary according to class locations. Overall, a sound moral victor is always one with ethical precepts of justice, freedom and solidarity and the rejection of exploitation and oppression which are held by the downtrodden classes who do not have interests they need to defend by means of misinformation and fabrications.

The importance of secularism in relation to ethics is to remove the veil of the religious who hide behind them more than just thieves and wickedness and aggression and exploiters and subject morality to criticism and change in accordance with the requirements of economic, social and political progress. And this is the greatest fear of the obscurantists and other reactionaries, who are always in need of stereotypes especially ones taken from the menu of the unknown, in order to terrorize the poor and the oppressed.

This site is a good incentive for progressive forces to move forward, unafraid of difficulties, as a beacon in the constant search for truth because the truth alone is revolutionary.

– From the pamphlet ‘On Secularism,’ by Hamma Hammami, Tunis, 18 March, 1988

Source

Studies IX: The PCOT and Electoral Performance

Below are translations of two communiques (originally in Arabic) from the Tunisian Communist Workers Party (PCOT). The first is a campaign statement in advance of the Constituent Assembly election in October, the second is a post-election statement explaining the party’s view of the elections and its performance. This is a ‘far left’ party which won three seats in the Constituent Assembly.

The PCOT was certainly in the ‘secular’ column insofar as the polarization between religious and secular parties was concerned and the party probably suffered, as has been noted, from its atheism/secularism and generally unabashed communism. Its rhetoric on religious issues has been laid out on this blog previously.

The party has historically had a hardline on religious matters and one can see this even in the translations below where campaign tactics involving houses of worship used by its opponents are compared to the behavior of the old Ben Ali regime. Its ideological tracts include harsh invectives against Rachid Ghannouchi and Islamist political philosophy and personalities in general. Some of these are rather nuanced, for instance its stance on the hijab (it ran candidates for the constituent assembly who themselves wore hijab). It also made an effort to appeal to religious voters by distancing itself from a stance against religious practice and religious people during this past summer. Being a communist party of the Enver Hoxha variety calls up certain connotations for many Tunisians and others. (they ran candidates under the name al-badil ath-thawri or Revolutionary Alternative, leaving out ‘communist’).

A party that declares itself committed to democracy and human rights but also has to explain its view of the dictatorship of the proletariat and its opinion of Marx or atheism is bound to face challenges in a country where many people are observant Muslims (it is worth mentioning that the PCOT was relatively less hostile toward the religious set during the campaign than the PDP, for example).

But there is a constituency for such a party in Tunisia and its members have gained some credibility from non-communists for having been rather harshly treated and detained under Ben Ali. Hard secularism proved less advantageous in October’s election and the overall results do not point to an Islamist take over and it is likely Nahdha and the center left and left wing parties in the new Constituent Assembly will have to compromise rather than impose narrowness on one another.

“Statement of the electoral list of the Revolutionary Alternative”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3875

AUTHOR: PCOT

DATE: 1 October, 2011

Oh Voters! Oh Voters!

Facing the 23 October polls to elect the National Constituent Assembly which was called for by the people’s rebellion and imposed by the transitional authorities in order to make a final break with dictatorship and lay the foundations for a democratic republic to be achieve the goals of the revolution and launch a new phase in Tunisian history, enriched with the blood of the martyrs.

The founding team of the National Council will be the sole legitimate authority in the country after 23 October and its first task will be the drafting of a new constitution for Tunisia and secondly the appointment of a new government for the conduct of the affairs of the county until the election of new governing institutions and accordance with the provisions of the new constitution, terminating after the transitional period and should not in any case go beyond that.

Your voices will be crucial in this election to the NAtional Constituent Assembly and its members must be in the service of the revolution and work to meet the expectations of the Tunisian people and so that enemies of the revolution, from the leftovers of Ben Ali and his “mafia” to the reactionary parties and forces hanging around the authorities, will not be able to control the Council and use it to circumvent the revolution.

Oh Voters! Oh Voters!

The Workers Party, which has struggled since its inception in 1986 for the people to have a free and democratic Tunisia and participated in the overthrow of Ben Ali and continues to struggle to complete the tasks of the revolution, leads you in this carrying along with this name the name of ‘The Revolutionary Alternative’ and as its logo the hammer (the symbol of Worker) and sickle (the symbol of the Farmer).

The Workers Party promises you if you choose from its lists it will act as custodians of the blood of the martyrs and steadfast defenders of your interests in the Constituent Assembly and will work to translate into the new constitution your hopes and ambitions and to speed up the Council’s appointment of a new government to take the necessary actions to response to your urgent demands.

Oh Voters! Oh Voters!

The Workers Party wants to bring you a democratic republic based on:

• The principle of citizenship and equality among members of society;
• Full and effective equality between the sexes in the family, society and public life;
• Ensuring individual and public liberties and protection from abuse, whether from the State or any other group;
• Respect for the inviolability of the human self from the inviolability of his home and his private life and the criminalization of any violation of it;
• The principle of elections to set up all governing institutions;
• The referendum as an instrument of direct democracy;
• Respect for Islam as the faith of the major of the people and all other beliefs and convictions and ensuring the appropriate conditions for their free exercise and peace of mind without the intervention of the police and administration and without the use of the State by any party or group to justify oppression, exploitation or segregation between citizens and to undermine the unity of the people;
• A civil state in the State and its legislation and authority;
• The political system best suited to our country, at this stage, is the parliamentary system, the adoption of proportional representation, blocking the door to control by an individual or party yet again, where the community has a regime of “governors” and “authorized” and “deliberate” should end up with tyranny being replaced by regionalized councils and village assemblies subject to accounting and control;
• Justice and the independence of the judiciary can be achieved only if the conditions are set according to international standards, and that management cannot work unless it is eased in by the community and subject to the control of citizens and elected officials assure its neutrality from the parties;
• Security and stability rely not on repression but on respect for people’s freedom, rights and dignity and the security forces must work in service of the citizenry and the soldiers in service of the country and the people, not in service to the rulers;
• A Constitutional Court is necessary to monitor the law and respond to abuse;
• The foreign policy of the Tunisian revolution should be based on: resistance to colonialism, Zionism and reaction and should support the just cause of the Arab peoples and of the peoples of the world as a whole and the criminalization of normalization with the Zionist Entity by the National Constituent Council;

Oh Voters! Oh Voters!

Political democracy is meaningless without social democracy as the Tunisian people revolted against poverty, unemployment, marginalization, exploitation, corruption and regional inequality while raising the banner of social justice. And the Workers Party does not see a way to achieve this justice without out a radical economic change toward an economy in the service of the people and not in the service of local and foreign minorities whose only objective is the accumulation of profits.

The essential goods of the country should be, under the constitution, the property of the people with investments in improving training methods and individuals, hand-in-hand, without discrimination and the land of Tunisia should not be relinquished to any foreign company and that private property should have a social function.

The right to employment and education and fair and human treatment for the children of the working class and the poor free of charge and the right to adequate housing and transportation and culture and sports in a healthy environment and to social security should be constitutional rights. Care for those with special needs (disabilities) and for the needy and the elderly should be a made a constitutional duty of the state and society in order to avoid discrimination.

The strength of youth should take pride in their community and provide it with all the material and moral conditions to achieve this.

The family is the fundamental nucleus of society and the state should work to release it from physical burdens and change it into a morality based on love and mutual respect.

The Tunisian emigres are a part of Tunisia and should refrain from dealing with them as a source for the provision of hard currency and the state should pick up their cases and defend their moral and material interests and strengthen their ties to their country of origin.

Oh Voters! Oh Voters!

The founding National Council will appoint a new government to handle the affairs of the country until the election of the governing institutions. The Workers Party will, if it wins your trust and its candidates are elected, push the government to proceed with the processing of files in all seriousness on the political and social emergency:

• To establish transitional justice and accountability for the former regime and killers of the martyrs;
• Purge the security services, judiciary, administration and media and re-organize it on a democratic basis;
• Take urgent action for the benefit of disadvantaged areas;
• Activate a general amnesty and accelerate the compensation of families of the martyrs and victims of repression;
• Take concrete actions for the benefit of the people, bring down prices on basic consumer goods, increase private-sector wages and raise the minimum wage;
• Adopt the granting of unemployment benefits and the free movement of labor and the bringing the idle to work and removing …
• Retrieve money smuggled by Ben Ali and his gangs during the fascist era;

Oh Voters! Oh Voters!

The revolution proceeds towards completing its tasks and putting an end to decades — even centuries — of oppression and humiliation. Take your future in your hands and do not give an opportunity to the enemies of the revolution and know that the Workers Party and its comrades are with you on your journey until the final victory!

“Statement on the Constituent Assembly Elections”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3882

AUTHOR: PCOT National Leadership

DATE: 29 October, 2011

This evening, Thursday 27 October, 2011 the “Election Commission” announced the preliminary results of the National Constituent Assembly elections. The Nahdah Movement came in first place, followed by the Congress for the Republic, Ettakatol, and al-Aridha . . . and the Tunisian Communist Workers Party received only three seats in Sfax, Kairouan and Siliana.

The Workers Party has gone to the door to participate in these elections, the first of their kind after the revolution that is open to all parties, intellectual and political currents, but it cannot on the on hand record that this election despite being marked by several impurities should stand defended by the truth and move away from the wooden language inherited from the era of Ben Ali and know only the glorification of ‘standing’ while hiding the facts from the people.

1. The turnout did not exceed, according to official figures provided by the Supreme Body for Elections, 48.9 per cent, which means that the majority of voters (3,867,197 of 7,569,824 voters) did not participate, which represents a major weakness and the causes of this should be sought for in the political and social climate during the year of the elections.
2. Money played a dangerous and dirty role in these elections, starting with the work the all too familiar “publicity policy” and acts of bribery, which was widespread in the form of “gifts” and “charitable and social services” which continued until the day of voting without an effort to put a stop to it by the Supreme Body.
3. Because media, including the public media, has remained in the hands of agents of the former regime, the disposal of bias for the benefit of some parties at the expense of the others did not help the general public understand the stakes raised by the Constituent Assembly election and sometimes marginalized or blocked off issues in an ideological maze.
4. The recruitment in mosques and public places made the election not free, for example, most of the speeches on Friday 21 October, 2011, only two days before election day led to tacit or open calls to vote for certain parties over others which it was claimed represented “religion” or that its followers “prayed” . . . which reminds us of the same methods used by Ben Ali.
5. The tactics associated with some campaigns led to excessive distortions — despicable and backward — against the forces of revolutionary democracy, including our party, using accusations of blasphemy, swearing and cursing, and the various reactionary, anti-revolutionary forces participated against the interests of the Tunisian people, for the the bases of these campaigns was the goal of distracting attention from the real axes of political, economic, social and cultural conflict, tearing at the unity of the people on the basis of ideological fabrications.
6. The many violations committed against the ballot, including by many workers at polling stations, included violations in the use of cars and buses to transport voters, especially those not “registered voluntarily”, the continuation of the campaign on polling day in front of stations in various ways, and incitement of voters toward one party or another, and [parties] providing voters with food and drinks at poling stations . . . These violations violated the principles of an electoral democracy, a certification of several monitoring bodies, observers and independent reports, affecting the integrity of the Constituent Assembly election and its transparency and they influenced the results in one way or another. The attempt by the Supreme Body to minimize their importance is not at all convincing in hiding the deficiency of this body in addressing these violations and abuses.
7. The lack of an announcement of the results on time and the postponement of this more than once raises more questions about the transparency of these elections. Over the next few days we need to be shown some of the reasons for these delays.
8. The Tunisian Communist Workers Party contributed to the election and was the first to advocate the election of a Constituent Assembly to break with the regime of tyranny. The Workers Party ran a clean campaign financially, morally and politically by focusing on programs and proposals and relied on the dependability of the energy of its activists who were faced with smear campaigns on a large scale in the media and brushed it off. The results the party obtained are weak, and do not reflect its influence and presence in the field and its history of struggle and its contribution to the sites of progress in the Tunisian people’s revolution against tyranny and dictatorship. While these results are important due to the climate of the year in which the elections took place, which we discussed, and the organs of the party will assess the reasons related to this [performance] and ways to overcome.
9. The Workers Party, regardless of these results will continue to fight relentlessly for the workers and the working class and for other classes of people in order to complete the tasks of the revolution and bring about national, democratic and popular change. The Workers Party gained supporters and convinced them of its program, positions and credibility, which will be a solid base for launching a new and winning bets in the future.

The Workers Party salutes all those who stood by its side on the occasion of this election and who voted for the party, the people and their children, and promises them that its representatives in the Constituent Assembly will defend them will all its strength and the message they carry with them!

– The Tunisian Communist Workers Party National Leadership, Tunis 29 October, 2011

Source

Studies VIII: The 14 January Front

This page includes a series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interesting) leftist parties as possible.

Below is an English translation of the founding statement of the 14 January Front (an alternative English translation can be read here), a coalition of Tunisian leftist parties formed after the overthrow of Zine al-Abdine Ben Ali (14 January was the day Ben Ali stepped down from office).

The statement lays out the groups’ intentions to continue demonstrations until the “objectives of the revolution” are met, including the removal of Ben Ali-era officials and the overthrow of the interim Ghannouchi government. It appeals to the Tunisian people to continue protesting — “especially in the street” — to keep the interim authorities on their toes and politics in a constant state of play, lest elements of the old regime move things revert back to the way they were before the uprising. [....]

[T]he 14 January Front’s statement is widely available on the Internet on various party sites, forums and Facebook pages (it has its own website: http://front14janvier.net/). Since its formation, the front has gone through many changes of course and by now its collective strength has heavily eroded. It nevertheless remains a key element in understanding the evolution of the Tunisian left’s political development after the fall of Ben Ali. Understanding its objective also helps contextualize the ongoing protests by those described as the “far left”.

“The Founding of the 14 January Front”

LINK: http://www.facebook.com/note.php?note_id=179104395467783

DATE: 20 January, 2011

Confirming our involvement in the revolution of our people who fought for their right to freedom and national dignity and made sacrifices, represented by dozens of martyr and the thousands of wounded and detainees, in order to reach victory over its enemies, internal and external, and in response to attempts at chaos and plundering those sacrifices, we form the 14 January Front as a policy framework to work for the advance of our people’s revolution, to achieve its aims and respond to counter-revolutionary forces, this framework includes parties, forces and national, progressive and democratic organizations in its foundations.

Its urgent tasks are:

1. The overthrow of the current Ghannouchi government and any government that includes symbols of the former regime, who applied a policy that was neither national nor popular and served the interests of the ousted president.
2. Dissolving the RCD and its headquarters, confiscating its property and financial assets, considering them to belong to the people.
3. The formation of an interim government that enjoys the confidence of the people and progressive forces, political activists, trade unions and youth.
4. The dismissal of parliament, advisors and all sham bodies and the Supreme Judicial Council and the dismantling of the political structure of the former regime and preparations for elections to a constituent assembly in no more than a year in order to draft a new democratic constitution and legal system and a new framework for public life to ensure the political, economic and cultural rights of the people.
5. The dissolving of the political police and the enactment of a new security policy with respect for human rights and the rule of law.
6. Holding accountable all those proven to have looted the people’s money and committed crimes in their duties like imprisonment, torture and murder, from decisions to execution, as well as all those proven in cases of bribery and misconduct in dealing with public properties.
7. The confiscation of properties of the former ruling family and their close associates and the associates of all officials who used their position to enrich themselves at the people’s expense.
8. Providing jobs for the unemployed and taking urgent action to approve granting them coverage by unemployment, social and health benefits and increasing their purchasing power.
9. Building a national economy that serves the people and places the vital and strategic sectors under state supervision and the nationalization of privatized institutions and the creation of an economic and social policy that breaks with the liberal capitalist approach.
10. Guaranteeing public and individual freedoms, especially the freedom of demonstrate, the freedom to organize, the freedom of expression and the press, freedom of information and freedom of onscience and the release of detainees and the enactment of a general amnesty law.
11. The Front salutes the support of the popular masses and progress forces in the Arab region and the world for the revolution in Tunisia and invites them to continue be seized by all possible means.
12. Rejecting normalization with the Zionist Entity, criminalizing it and supporting liberation movements in the Arab region and the world.
13. The Front calls for the popular masses and nationalist and progressive forces to continue mobilizing and struggling by all means of legitimate protest, especially in the street, until you have achieved the proposed objectives.
14. The Front salutes all committees, associations and self-organization for the masses and invites them to expand their involvement in all areas of public affairs and managing various aspects of daily life.

Glory to the martyrs of the intifadhah and victory to the rebellious masses of our people!

– Tunis, 20 January, 2011

Association of Left Workers

The Movement of Nasserist Unionists

The Movement of Nationalist Democrats

Nationalist Democrats (al-Witad)

The Ba’thist Current

Independent Leftists

The Tunisian Communist Workers Party

National Democratic Action Party (PTPD)

Source

Studies VII: The PCOT & Religion and the State (II)

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interesting) leftist parties as possible.

Below is a translation of an essay (“Marxism and the relationship between religion and state: State secularism”) included in a pamphlet released by the Tunisian Communist Workers Party titled في اللائكية ”On Secularism”.

The essay is itself an excerpt from a longer piece dealing with similar issues. The title of the pamphlet and this essay use the term اللائكية (al-la’ikiyya) derived from laïcité/laïque rather than علمانية (al-’ilmaniyya), the the standard Arabic term for secularism. The implications of this have been discussed earlier in this series. Most of the essays/polemics in “On Secularism” are aggressive and loud critiques of Islamist political thought and leaders like Rachid Ghannouchi. More than one of the essays come from the late 1980s but others are not dated, like “Marxism and the relationship between religion and the state”.

The essay lays out the author’s view of the corrosive influence of religious and religious partisans on science, freedom of conscience, women, class and the most effective means of dealing with the religious problem from a leftist perspective. It makes a strong effort to avoid targeting Islam as a religion and to cast its criticism of religious politics firmly in the realm of materialist political discourse (drawing heavily on Leninist themes), criticizing “Islamism” and “Islamists” as a system of political philosophy and activism, explicitly admitting that the party and the left cannot attempt to ban or eradicate religion from society. The author clearly hopes to avoid conflating opposition to Islamist politics to Islam as practiced by ordinary people (which might alienate potential followers) while at the same time arguing for open-mindedness on religious thought (note that the essay mentions the right to atheism, for example). The forceful arguments on education and minority rights are notable as well. These come in support of the piece’s three main problems with religious government (its negative impact on”scientific renaissance, its suppression of free thought and its restrictions on political freedom).

“Marxism and the relationship between religion and the state” was selected for translation because it represents a relatively brief and straightforward introduction to the party’s ideological and practical stance on religion and politics, in the general sense. It does not deal specifically with Tunisian rivals of the PCOT or secularism in general by name; it discusses the subject in social and historical terms. Thus it gives readers a general idea of the party’s overall stance which is fleshed out further in other (longer) and more specific essays. Additionally it reveals important elements of the party’s attitude toward education in general.

“Marxism and the relationship between religion and the state: State secularism”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article2338

Date: 12 June, 2011

The issue of the relationship between religion and state is an important point in the controversy between the Tunisian Communist Party and some Islamists on the pages of the newspapers and this is normal given the sensitive nature of this issue. As usual, the party sought to find a formula harmonizing Marxism and religion and through its most rational members expresses its position in an article, which is referred to at the beginning of the text:

“We do not hide the fact that we as Marxists differ with the Islamist trend in vision, philosophy and in our assessment of the benefits of rationality, but we do not ask for the symbols of a secular state, as put forth in Europe where the labor movement that raised this slogan [of secularism] was not alone in resisting the tyranny of the Church and its power over the fate of the people. The matter for us Tunisian communists an abuse of just that. We consider the state to be in the interests of the masses and within these interests is to take care of religious affairs in all that it takes to provide Islamic knowledge in schools and the [state-owned] media, attending to the building of mosques and providing the right atmosphere so that citizens can attend to their religious duties. But what we reject is the religious bullying of anyone on state agencies and deriving leverage from authorizing the classification of citizens as Muslims and heretics of Islam.”

This is the position of the Tunisian Communist Party toward the relationship between religion and the state, the relationship between religion and schools, indeed it is the case that with religion and schools the schools have a religious character to some extent and are only against extremism. I took care of Marxism in the subject of the relationship between religion and schools, and stood clearly and unambiguously for a secular state as well, which means the separation of religion from the state and the separation of the schools from religion, but what does this mean? It means that the state must refrain from interfering in religious issues directly or indirectly, such as by being a religious association or by funding them, refraining from establishing distinctions between citizens on the basis of their religion or limiting their freedom on the same basis, and ensuring their [citizens’] right to believe in any religion while guaranteeing their right to atheism, too.

The separation of school from religion means to make school a place for the emergence of community and the reception of scientific, technical and cultural knowledge without imposing consciousness of this or that religious belief and without taking into account in the teaching of science by considering the position of religions concerning this or that discovery. But does this mean that in the eyes of Marxism to try to prevent the existence of religious beliefs, religious groups, religious practices and religious celebrations and seasons? Never. All that remains but without the state intervening and imposing some patter of believe. [. . .]

A secular state rejects oppression and persecution

Having begun to adopt the banner of communism in a secular state in which the basis of the “bourgeois” banner raised by the bourgeoisie during the revolutionary eighteenth century, from historical fact and theory it is evident, that linking religion and the state inevitably leads to the worst manifestations of oppression and persecution. How?

First: Linking religion and the state stands as a barrier to scientific renaissance because each discovery contradicts the position of religion[s] — how many religions contradict scientific findings — and are considered unbelief, blasphemy and heresy with their authors’ fate being oppression. And everyone knows the fate of “Galileo” which came as a result of his discovery that the earth revolves [around the sun], whereas the Christian Church considered it the center of the universe and that the other planets revolved around it; everyone also knows the positions of the various religious institutions , Christian or Islamic, on the theory of Darwinian evolution, which showed with evidence that humans evolved from anthropoid organisms, even in America the teaching of Darwin and his scientific theory is prevented from being taught in schools and institutions subject to the religious establishment! These are but a few examples of religious opposition to scientific knowledge.

Second: Linking religion to the state also leads to the suppression of freedom of thought because all thinking incompatible with religion, in whole or in part, is regarded by the owner as abuse, thought and knowledge do not leave religious practice and repeat and confirm what is in the “Bible” which turns out to be the sole source of human knowledge. In this is the denial of the evolution of human thought, and sentencing to stagnation and regression. For us in the history of many different religion so many people suffered for their boldness in expressing rational ideas contrary to religious “knowledge”. (e.g., The Arab Ibn Rushd whose books were burned and who was exiled as a result of his ideas introducing materialism to Arab thought.)

Third: The linking of religion and state leads inevitably to the suppression of political freedoms. Why? Because in religion God is the source of legislation and legislation is considered over and done and identifies for the people the principles of economic, social, political and moral behavior, and they need only to follow these principles by following the successor of God on earth, the kind or the Khalif or the Imam whose governance is the rule of God. It thus robs the people of their right in the exercise of legislation in regard to all affairs of their lives, because the status of legislator applies only to God. As Abu Alaa al-Mawdudi, one of the leading intellectuals for the Ikhwan after Sayyid Qutb says regarding the theory of political Islam which is centered on “removing all authority and command from the hands of men [. . .] because God alone is competent [. . .] and since democracy is the rule of the people [. . .] it is not correct to unleash the word democracy on the Islamic state system rather the sincere expression of the word of holy government or theocracy.

It is not therefore surprising to see that, historically, all existing regimes based on the Christian or Islamic religions, participation in its being as an individual is broken. Thus every contradiction to the King or Khalif turns into a contradiction of God and contradiction to God is doomed to painful suffering [. . .]

In the case of a country with multiple religions, the establishment of the state on the basis of religion damages harshly those from minority religions since political rights are distributed on a sectarian basis. It then turns differences in religion, like differences in race and gender and class into the basis for political persecution.

Thus raising the banner of a secular state for humanity (this was done initially in Europe) was the product of a long and arduous struggle between freedom and tyranny, a struggle for which humanity paid a dear price. If this banner is not raised throughout the Arab countries, it is not because the institution of Islam is democratic or because there is no need for the Arabs to separate religion and state but because of backwardness in their countries and the failure of democratic revolutions, bourgeoisie in the eighteenth and nineteenth century until colonization sought to maintain the situation and exploit it for its own uses.

Secularism is a test for political forces

The position on the relationship between religion and the state is a test for democracy or any political force, and it is a true democracy that defends the secular state, and communism, if adhering to this banner, which has been put away by the bourgeoisie in more than one place because it is based on respect for the will of the masses, on democracy and on building the state on a secular basis totally for political liberties and political energies of the people turning them into the master of their fate. What is strange is that the Tunisian Communist Party, which claims to be the standard bearer of Marxism in Tunisia, did not quite live up to the level of the bourgeoisie in the eighteenth century, rebelling in defense of the need for the separation of religious institutions and the state. So then it claims communism and a firm strictness in this situation. But how do you stop Marxism at the limit of raising the banner of a secular state, and that’s enough? No, communism considers the separation of religion from the state as a necessary condition to enable the toiling workers to overcome the illusions of religion because that separation will bring them to the launching of freedom of the thought, will allow the possibility for debate, the possibility for addressing the issue religion and disbelief as purely intellectual weapons as in the saying of Lenin after he had to go into hiding, having been subjected to the worst forms of abuse at the hands of the dominant religious institution of the state.

So as Marxism is concerned religion is considered a private matter for the state but this does not mean it is the duty of communists to refrain from the theoretical struggle against religious thought rather that it must be continued. If Marxism raises the separation of religion and the state as its banner it is easy to understand that a socialist state cannot exist except for as a non-religious state, a secular one.

On this basis it can be said that Marxism stands against positions on the left and among anarchists that want to resolve the issue of religion by means of coercion and considers [. . .] that attacks the freedom of toiling workers and their feelings jeopardizes the their ability to freely debate or be educated, it also stands against the arguments of right-wing opportunists who call for appeasing religion calling it a special issue, and refrain from publishing intellectual material, in this regard Lenin says:

Religion for the Party of proletarian socialism is not a special case. Our party is an association of conscious activists and pioneers fighting for the liberation of the working class. This association (the party) cannot and should not remain without interest in the absence of awareness, ignorance and obscurantism coloring religious belief. We demand the complete separation of church and state in order to fight the fog of religious weapons and purely intellectual weapons alone [. . .]

Source

Studies VI: What’s in a Name?

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interesting) leftist parties as possible.

The Tunisian Communist Workers Party (PCOT) has been covered on this blog before as well as its party congress which took place this weekend. During one of the sessions, the party’s leaders (Hamma Hammami and others) considered changing the party’s name to leave out الشيوعي ”Communist”. Various Tunisian commentators have noted that while the party has a strong core and enjoys relatively strong credibility with certain parts of the public the PCOT nevertheless suffers from its identification with communism. Many Tunisians associate communism with obsolescence, authoritarianism and atheism; the last problem is particularly relevant in that it exposes the party to particular attacks when faced with other parties coming from the Islamist tendency and other leftist parties not identified with the same label who are not seen as being hostile to religion. Tunisian news reports noted that the issue came up on the second day of the congress and that no decision was reached as to whether or not to change the party’s name. From Business News:

Le Parti communiste des Ouvriers de Tunisie (PCOT) examine, au deuxième jour de son premier congrès tenu en public, la possibilité de changer de nom.

Le porte parole officiel du parti, Hamma Hammami, précise dans une déclaration à l’agence TAP que ce changement concerne le terme “communiste” en raison des préjugés à ce propos dans la rue tunisienne, ajoutant cependant que “rien n’est définitif” sur cette question qui sera discutée par les congressistes.

This points to something that should be obvious to most observers, and was noted by Issandr El Amrani in a recent interview: most Arab societies are relatively conservative in religious and cultural terms. The PCOT’s unabashed communism and secularism exposes it to two primary lines of attack which some believe put it at a disadvantage: its aggressive secularism (and supposed atheism; its sometimes strategic use of the terms العَلمانية and اللائكي when referring to secularism reflect an awareness of this problem; the former (which is standard Arabic for secularism) sometimes has connotations of atheism while the latter is an Arabization of laïcité and has certain rhetorical/political advantages in this regard; this issue is discussed at some length by Fouad Zakariyya), which frightens and even angers religious elements, and its association with the “far left” (l’extrême gauche) which is painted by more economically conservative partisans and the transitional government as the source of recent instability, which alienates more middle of the road leftists and social democrats.

Even in a place like Tunisia where laïcité has been the rule and many people consider themselves secular, there is stigma attached to irreligiosity. On the other hand, many Tunisians are left-leaning and of those Tunisians who have made up their minds a relatively large proportion have told pollsters they intend to vote for left of center parties in the upcoming Constituent Assembly election. Compared to several other parties, the PCOT usually does relatively well but usually comes in after other, more moderate democratic socialist parties who themselves are outdone by an-Nahdha (whose share is usually between 25% and 30%). The party’s website and literature describe its attitude toward religion and the relationship between religion and politics in great detail and quite explicitly on topics ranging from secularism and national (Tunisian Arab) identity, the hijab (it is worth noting that one finds hijab clad women at PCOT rallies but that its leadership often appears with members in headscarves), women’s rights and a variety of other topics. Many of them are combative polemics and engage the writings of prominent Tunisian Islamists (including Rachid Ghannouchi) directly while quoting and referencing Lenin. (Some of these will be translated in upcoming posts.) The party’s position on religion is well known, and it fits into the same broad category as most other leftist parties in Tunisian hoping to protect secular principles in the drafting of the new constitution. While many Tunisians are sympathetic on this front even many people who might otherwise be sympathetic to their platform are somewhat put off on this front. The party’s recent communiques have attempted to remind their audiences that the PCOT respects religious freedom and that as communists they are not against religion, per se.

The party is associated with the “far left” and its association with “communism” is well known to alienate more economically moderate Tunisians, especially elements of the middle class less excited about “continuing revolution” and more interested in re-establishing “normalcy”. It has been active in recent protests which have turned violent, and while the PCOT and its allies blame RCD stay behinds and the security forces there are many Tunisians put off by its radicalism. While “social democratic” tendencies go down more smoothly with average Tunisians “communists” face a challenge of overcoming prejudices about their style of rule and the applicability of their ideology to the current political and economic setting. The stigma attached to the PCOT simply for calling themselves “communists” may be as strong if not stronger than their reputation related to secularism. An al-Jazeera Arabic report on the party convention reflected this when quoting journalists whose seemed to be mocking the party’s communist identification.

These supposed handicaps aside, the party benefits from the reputation of its leadership, many of whom were detained or tortured under Ben Ali, and for its active and well known participation in the January uprising. It has a strong populist streaks. It has a straightforward and popular stance on Palestine and the Arab uprisings. Like most Tunisian parties the PCOT is relatively small, but it has built a relatively strong organizational infrastructure with branches spread out across the country and a very efficient propaganda and communications effort using Facebook and other social media. It has a vibrant youth and student component and older networks built over its many years of clandestine activism (it remains a Leninist organization after all). Its activists and leaders frequently appeared on al-Jazeera and France 24 during and after the uprising. (Readers may recall seeing Hamma Hammami’s daughter on an al-Jazeera English program focused on young women involved in the uprising (in January or February) identified as the daughter of a prominent opposition figure whose affiliation was not mentioned.) Its political acumen will be put to the test in the open in October.

Source

Studies V: PCOT on Foreign Affairs (II)

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interesting) leftist parties as possible.

Below are translations of communiques and articles from the Tunisian Communist Workers Party (PCOT) dealing with international and foreign issues. Two are articles dealing with macro-political/economic issues — the global financial crisis and global warming and its impact on poverty — from 2009 and 2010. One deals with the problem of anti-immigrant (and anti-Muslim) sentiment in Europe, mostly in relation to the economic down turn and the exploitative character of capitalism, as the party sees it. Another is a communique mourning the death of Pascale Fantodji, a Beninois communist leder, from 2010.

These documents were selected because: (1) they illustrate, in part, the party’s ideological and cultural posture at the international level; (2) they deal with relatively contemporary problems in global political economy and thus show how the party applies its political outlook to the world around it in relatively abstract terms as opposed to strictly concrete, practical or tactical terms; (3) these communiques help in understanding the party’s own self image as not just as an internationally-oriented revolutionary party and thus assist in informing readers about some of the frames and its motivation with respect to and approach to particular political questions inside Tunisia and the Arab countries. The authors of these documents, like many leftists, view the global financial crisis as evidence of a crisis of capitalism that confirms the outline of Marxist thought. They view increasing European hostility towards immigrants, Muslims especially, at least in part as a function of capitalist exploitation of the working class and calls for a ”progressive anti-racist front” to advocate for the rights of workers in Europe and elsewhere. (This communique is especially relevant given the terrorist attacks in Norway on 22 July, carried out by an individual committed to the anti-immigrant/Muslim tendency in Europe and acting on what he saw as the logical conclusion of that movement, based on the “Eurabian thesis”.) The communique regarding Fantodji is included to show its links with other African communist movements. Other documents dealing with foreign affairs/international issues will follow in later posts.

1. Broad international trends

“The Crisis of the Capitalist System deepens”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article2561

DATE: 11 December, 2009

The repercussions of the capitalist economic crisis are still coming and affecting the productive sections as well as real estate and banking in the form of a statement from the government of Dubai, UAE on its inability to pay its debts owed to international banks and its request to postpone repayments for a period of at least six months surprising the various stock exchanges of the world and increasing the severity of the financial crisis ongoing for more than a year [now].

At the time the media began to talk about the beginning of an economic recovery and overcoming the crisis came the real estate crisis in Dubai at the end of November a bomb in the markets, especially since it had been considered a model for countries that were moving from the local to the global. It was also characterized by large projects in the area of real estate and investment in ports and global stock exchanges. Dubai was considered a Tiger that navigated world markets and imposed itself on the globalized economy and some went as far as to substitute it for the GCC’s dependence on oil and exaggerated its image with mega projects such as the floating islands in the shape of palm trees and called to the rich world boasting of the possessing the tallest skyscrapers in the world, etc. [. . .] But this surge crashed in the so-called financial bubble costing over $80 billion for several companies such as Dubai World and Nakheel. Owned by government princes in Dubai were forced to seek assistance and intervention from neighboring Abu Dhabi to pump in the necessary funds in the form of debt ($15 billion).

The reaction in the stock markets was quick and immediate, as shares of Gulf companies fell and savings of the oil countries in international banks and a major loss of confidence in the future of many companies and especially Dubai Ports which invested in the most important international ports (London, America, Asia, etc.). And then came Putin’s pessimistic comments and the IMF paradoxically in a short time (four months) confirming that the financial crisis was ongoing. The repercussions affected small investors and employees who deposited their money in Islamic banks in Dubai and the various Gulf countries and affected workers and employees who lost their jobs as well. Real estate prices have fallen by more than a half and land stocks to more than 10% impacted by the dollar and oil prices.

It can be concluded that the Marxist analysis is valid in regard to a crisis crisis of capitalism would affect all capitalism economies, without exception, and negatively impact people’s lives and will not be salvaged except for by getting rid of the capitalist mode of production and replacing it with the socialist pattern. Let us develop our own capabilities through the initiation of working class struggle and the formation of a global front against imperialism and against the impact of neoliberal globalization.

“The Poor — The favorite victims of climate change!”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article2748

DATE: 20 February, 2010

It is confirmed by many international organizations that changes seen in the Earth’s climate are due to increased human activity in industry and technology and that the resulting toxic gasses are damaging humans, animals and plants and will eventually lead to increased rates of hunger, especially in dependent [developing] countries.

It is well known that greenhouse gas emissions are increasing significantly and frighteningly from the capitalist countries’s manufacturing, especially from their participation in the arms race, which will affect the rate of food production such that the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) has confirmed that the distribution of food production by the year 2050 will witness dire consequences and may face a decline between 9% and 12% as a result of rising temperature as a result of damage to the ozone layer. At the time that capitalist countries involved in the contamination of the Earth did not agree on a protocol setting out the proportion of greenhouse gasses while the systems of agriculture and forestry will be affected and concentrate on carbon dioxide and change forms of rainfall patterns, along with increasing the spread of weeds, pests and diseases. It is expected that the deepening and spread of droughts, heat waves, floods and violent storms will continue for the foreseeable future.

It is natural, in such circumstances and a changing climate, there would be increases in fluctuations in agricultural production especially in poor parts of the world. At another level these fluctuations in climate will negatively affect food security and safety with a wide spread of diseases transmitted by water, air and even by food itself, which will generate a significant contraction in production and productivity. Naturally the working class will also be affected with increasing rates of poverty, hunger and death in their midst.

Many studies have not ruled out the idea that the African continent is one of the areas most affected by climate change due to its being one of the areas more vulnerable to the affects of drought, floods and hurricanes. Being the poorest in the world and least secure in the area of food, it [Africa] is assumed to see irreparable damage on this level. Our country Tunisia is not isolated from climactic fluctuation, as the impact of climate change on Tunisian fisheries and forestry cannot be resisted when its economy is shaky and its people’s incomes are limited. And the regime will no longer be able to reduce its negative impacts at a time that we do not see or hear serious voices calling for the defense of the environment or the ocean only through the official discourse of the wooden system or from some parties and organizations that were unable to express their views and the distortion of our country’s environmental policy because of the suppression of freedoms, especially freedom for the media and the freedom to organize and demonstrate [. . .]

A new strategy to reduce climate change and its impact on food security and for mankind is an immediate priority for humanity and the international community to put it forward strongly and to defend it and not be trapped by the capitalist powers who are active in emitting toxic gasses, pressuring them to at least reduce the calamity which would be disastrous to humankind in general and the poor in particular. And it must also be noted that these capitalist countries pay to wage war against and use chemicals to kill people in Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan [. . .] In so doing they kill the Earth’s crust from which we eat and drink, leaving frightening effects for many years on the land, water and air. These poles of capitalism must be shamed, exposed and isolated for killing people not only because of their own greed and their stealing of riches but also because this contributes to the eradication of life on Earth.

2. Racism in Europe

“On the growing manifestations of racism in Europe”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article2560

DATE: 11 December, 2009

The capitalist system is adopting rightist governments in order to cope with its suffocating economic crisis and highlight the extreme fascist groups to leverage chauvinist and racist slogans against immigrants in order to turn the class struggle away from its course. Capitalists find an outlet in fascist propaganda that feeds them moral and material support and disposes of accountability for the real perpetrators of the crisis.

Many racist laws have been passed for some time against migrant workers against Arabs and Muslims. Racist laws have boomed in light of a lack of awareness and weakness on the part of the forces of the left and its fragmentation. The latest of these laws were voted in in Switzerland in a recent popular referendum preventing the construction of minarets in a country with a right wing government and nearly seven million people, including three hundred thousand Muslims with three minarets, one of which is in use. This law is not intended to target the building of minarets but to strike at the freedom of belief and toleration between religions and cultures.

These racist laws neutralize conflict and distract the toiling masses from the real cause of the crisis.

Numerous racist demonstrations and protests were organized against migrant workers in France on the border between France and Switzerland.

Generally, the variations of right-wing extremism is growing and expanding steadily in various parts of the world taking a number of forms such as media campaigns, the use of the arts (cinema, cartoons, songs) to take a sometime deadly character by targeting foreigners (Muslims and Arabs in particular) and their lives, honor and property.

Racist movements that divert attention from the reality of living conditions among the working class and nurture the extremest fundamentalist movements that thrive in such an environment then present themselves as victims and defenders of “identity.” They highlight the terrorist movements drowning the countries in blood and chaos and look for right-wing governments in order to export their crisis and place further restrictions on freedoms.

Confronting this racist tide is the task for of all revolutionary and progressive forces in all countries of the world. It cannot confront this force unless it unites its ranks in a progressive anti-racist front standing side by side with the movements of migrant workers to raise the slogan “We live here, we work here and we will stay here!” and to demand full equality between migrant and non-migrant workers in rights and obligations.

3. Solidarity with other communists

“A communique of condolences to the comrades in the Communist Party of Benin”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article2843

DATE: 7 April, 2010

Gone from us forever on Monday, 5 April is comrade Pascale Fantodji, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Benin, we sent this cable of condolences to the comrades of Benin.

We have received with deep pain the news of the passing of comrade Pascale Fantodji, the First Secretary and founding member of the Communist Party of Benin.

The passing of Pascale Fantodji is not just a great loss for the communists, workers and people of Benin, but also a great loss for communists all over the world.

We believe that the Communists of Benin will remain steadfast despite this time of difficulty and will continue to struggle to achieve the revolutionary goal taunted Pascale Fantodji for all of his life.

– The Tunisian Communist Workers Party, 7 April, 2010

Source

Studies IV: PCOT Party Congress

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interesting) leftist parties as possible.

Recent posts have focused on translations of the communiques, tracts and documents of Arab, mainly Tunisian (so far), leftist parties as part of a post series hoping to raise awareness and consciousness of the contemporary Arab left on key political questions among English-speakers. This post includes some images and a summary of reports on the first session of the party congress of one of the parties given particular attention in the first stages of this post series (“Studies”): the Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party (PCOT).

The Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party (PCOT) held the first session of its first party congress as a legal organization on 22 July (the congress lasts from 22-24 July in Tunis). It featured foreign delegates and guests from Europe, Latin America, the Arab world (press reports and releases highlight the presence of Palestinian communists at the meeting in particular). The atmosphere was playful though the attendees did not fill the venue (estimates by those in attendance put the number at between 1,700 and 2,000 people). Leader Hammami gave a speech in which he defended the party from accusations of involvement in violence, lobbied indirect attacks against “the forces of regression” (this along with other comments that can be seen as indirect attacks on an-Nahda and the transitional authorities who have accused the PCOT and Islamists of being “extremists” stoking recent unrest)¹, urged party members and followers to register to vote in the upcoming constituent assembly elections and stressed the need for ongoing efforts to reach the “objectives of the revolution” which was described as “a revolution of the people not by a coup”. He also praised the role of Tunisian women in the January uprising, saying that Tunisian deserve full political equality due to their long struggle. The congress began with a moment of silence for Tunisians who died in the uprising, with a performance by musicians playing “the International” and other songs sung by Rym al-Banna (who sang draped in Tunisian and Palestinian flags) and chants from attendees such as (all of these rhyme in Arabic):

خبز حرية كرامة وطنية (!Bread! Freedom! National dignity)

الشعب يريد الثورة من جديد (!The people want a new revolution)

الشعب يريد اسقاط النظام (!The people want the downfall of the regime)

الشعب يريد تحرير فلسطين (!The people want the liberation of Palestine)

Below are pictures taken by Lina Ben Mhenni, a Tunisian activist and blogger who also happens to be a friend of this blogger, posted to Facebook. She also posted this video. Translations of banner slogans are included.

The slogan on the second line of banner overhead (the writing on the first line reads “The Tunisian Communist Workers Party) reads: من اجل استكمال مهام الثورة “For completing the tasks of the revolution.”

The slogan reads: من اجل اجر ادني صناعي وفلاحي موحد لا يقل عن 400 دينار “For a minimum wage for industrial and agricultural (workers) no less than four hundred dinars.”

The banner says: من اجل القاء المديونية الخارجية والمقطع مع كل اشكال النهب والمسيطرة على مصير الوطن “For shedding foreign debt and breaking with all forms of plunder and control of the country’s destiny.”

The slogan here is: من اجل تعليم مجاني في كافة مراحله “For free education at all levels.”

The floor.

The stands and back floor.

Followers in the back stands. Other Che Guevara banners were visible as well.

PCOT party leader Hamma Hammami at the podium addressing the party congress.

A flyer for the PCOT’s congress: كوامة/حرية/اشتراكية “Dignity, freedom, socialism”; below the hammer and cycle: السلطة للشعب “Power to the People”.

Another flyer:

[1] The party has recently faced accusations from the transitional government and others alleging that the party has been subverting the country through demonstrations and rabble rousing that have caused recent violence. The party says the police and agents of the old ruling party, the RCD, have been the source of violence and the PCOT’s leader has called for an independent investigation to establish the time line of events during recent disturbances. Earlier this month, a crowd gathered outside the hall the PCOT planned to hold a meeting, tearing down posters and blocking the meeting from taking place; party leaders blamed the interior ministry and police. Similar incidents have taken place with other political parties; violence between religious activists and secular parties has also taken place.

Source

Studies III: PCOT and Women’s Issues (I)

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interest) leftist parties as possible.

The following are three translations of articles published by the Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party’s (PCOT) organs on women’s issues. They were selected because they reflect the general tone of the party’s publications on women’s questions. The first comes from before the January 2011 uprising and frames women’s emancipation in terms of Marxist ideology; the second and third come from after the overthrow of Ben Ali, one is a communique marking International Women’s Day and the other is a “tribute to working women where ever they are”and describes the party’s view on the marginalization of women and its severity. All three are essentially polemics. The articles here are brief; translations of excerpts from the party’s longer ideological tracts will follow later on.

1. Marxism and Women’s Emancipation

“Oppression of women in the nature of class and history”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3781

DATE: 29 March, 2010

The historical materialist approach of Marx reveals for the first time, more clearly and convincingly, because it is scientific, that the social character of the oppression of women is in all historical stages, including the capitalist stage. The fact that this persecution is historically characteristic has meant real inferiority for women in the family, public life and society and that it is not rooted in “human nature” for this “reason” or for another, and that it is also not “fixed” and “eternal” as claimed by all reactionary theories and concepts of various colorings, it sources which prevailed previously and still do are social phenomena born of specific circumstances and can be explained and analyzed which gives it a relatively transitory character and nominates therefore that it be overcome as soon as changes [take place] in the historical conditions that have generated it. In other words, as soon as the the available historical conditions are overturned women will regain her position as a liberated thing, with equal rights to men.

The family and marriage thus social phenomena which have their history, their common past, present and future, like all historical phenomena, like all other social institutions. And this means that have not known from the outset one absolute and final form, with the woman captured and always inferior, but to the contrary they customarily known many developments and changes in relation to developments and changes in the particular economic and property relations within human societies.

This is a revolutionary idea, a historical, social, relative and transitional idea, against the oppression of women and it sent a crushing blow against all reactionary ideas and theories that have claimed that the inferior position of women is “dictated by nature” or “by the will of the Creator” or by “requirements and dynamics of public morality” and that the patriarchal family is the absolute and final form of the family and cannot be changed. All tries to do is “convict” because it is a “violation of the provisions of nature” or challenges “divine will” or “infringes upon morality”!!

The credit goes to Frederic Engles and Comrade Marx and his associates for creating the theory of scientific socialism, for providing a general template for the evolution of the forms of the family and marriage throughout historic in his class work The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State. In this book Engles adopts the historical materialist approach of Marx, and that of the historical knowledge and anthropology of his day, which was confirmed by studies and subsequent research and the health of some of this was enriched by new information but does not depart from the general context in which Engles placed it, and and some corrections to other information was made, without this meaning that new information refuted or denied the revolutionary idea at its core, the Marxist theory about the nature of the historical and social oppression of women and on the contrary this [new knowledge] supported it, in terms of its formulas and emphasized that there is no room to search for the roots of this oppression outside of history or outside of the social relations of human beings.

2. Women and the Revolution

“Toward extending our revolution until we have full and effective equality between the sexes”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3719

DATE: 8 March, 2011

On the Occasion of 8 March

Saluting Tunisian women on this year’s International Women’s Day in a new historic era. The Tunisian people erupted managed last 14 January to overthrow their dictator and seize their freedom. Today they continue the Revolution toward the final elimination of dictatorship and the establishment of a democratic system to achieve their national and popular demands and aspirations.

Women have contributed actively and effectively to this Revolution from the south to the north, and women workers, employees distracted from work and university graduates and students and intellectuals and artists, lawyers, judges, housewives contributed and presented spectacular images of resistance and resilience.

The Ben Ali regime state, although its paying lip service to “modernity”, deprived women of their liberty and of their rights. A large number of them, who were campaigners of the Workers’ Party Youth Organization, were arrested, tortured and denied their studies and employment. Women were even deprived of 8 March (International Women’s Day) which was converted in a formal ceremony for the glorification of the dictator. Highlighting the latter point brought a variety of repression on women activists and associations, committees and independent women’s clubs.

Despite the hype which pumped up the status of women in Tunisia, they did not in fact have their full rights and were not earning [salaries] on an equal basis with men, not even at the legal or actual levels, where women remained the first victims of unemployment, poverty, marginalization, discrimination in various areas (pay, promotion and professional settings), illiteracy, prostitution, violence, etc.

The women of Tunisia face a new stage in their lives. The Revolution is not over and the Tunisian people still do not hold the reins of power and conflict is at its peak with the remnants of the dictatorship looking to abort the Revolution. The women, as well as men, are invited to continue the struggle until the Revolution does not stop in the middle of the road and the enemies of the Revolution are unable to regain control. The Revolution of 14 January is a revolution of freedom, equality, dignity and social justice. It is these values that should be translated on the ground for Tunisian women and not going back stepping and a continuation of oppression and inequality in any form or under any pretext whatsoever. The opportunity is ripe for Tunisian women to make a significant jup on the road toward their liberation completely and actually and mark a new page for Arab women who are still toiling under the yoke of medieval tyranny.

One of the important stations in the next phase which will have a role in shaping the future of women in Tunisia is the station of the election of the National Constituent Assembly which will draft a new constitution for the country. The transformation of gender equality into a constitutional principle and the empowerment of women with the same rights enjoyed by men in the family, society and public life and the recognition of the social function of motherhood and the criminalization of all forms of sexual segregation, all of those axes must have a place in the new constitution.

Toward the advancement of the Revolution so that it achieves its objectives.
Striving toward the election of the Constituent Assembly so that it consecrates popular sovereignty.
Toward making full and effective equality between the sexes gaining from the benefits of the Revolution.

– Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party, 8 March, 2011

3. The Urgency of Women’s Emancipation

“Towards completing the struggle for women’s emancipation”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article2822

DATE: 22 April, 2011

A Tribute to the women’s struggle … A tribute to working women wherever they are

The reality is that Arab woman, including Tunisian woman, still suffers from backwardness in being dealt with as an actor in the society capable of contributing to the cycle of payment, and still suffers from segregation and inequality in law and practice, in addition to the perception of inferiority that turns her into nothing more than a sexual commodity. The roots of this situation of inferiority are in the historical context and social relationships which have been lived by women and which has been dedicated to this disadvantageous situation and its maintenance. The women’s issue has been raised since the nineteenth century in Egypt by Tahtawi and from the nineteen thirties of the twentieth century by Tahar Haddad and even now, actually, because women’s liberation cannot come only in the context of a political movement, and public society and culture and cannot be excluded from the handling of the situation of the community as a whole, because the cause of women is integral to the process of the transition to democracy, as one cannot talk about a free society that does not have free women, and there can be no real equality between the sexes in a society with the starkest contrasts based on inequality.

The demand for full and effective equality between women and men stems from various places. Women are human their rights are human rights. Any assault on her dignity or persecution of her is offending these rights, because as a matter of principle she is an integral part of humanity and that women represent half of society gives her the right to participate in the production of wealth and to social and cultural development side by side with men. Politically, there is no democracy without equality of rights between members of the community and there is no democracy without gender equality. It is relations between men and women and their maturity that determine the progress of peoples and communities and overcome the obstacles posed by the nature of the human animal.

In most areas of steadfastness women were active and present for experience has historically shown women’s presence in national liberation movements, contributing to the flight of the colonizers and the participation in the Tunisian Revolution of women of all ages and brackets therein in the face of the machine of repression in November, and they were among the martyrs as well, who imposed victory on the land over attempts to exclude them from social and political space.

Raising the issue of women and addressing their general treatment under the conditions of society does not, however, negate the need to look at special issues women have stemming from the persecution they suffer since women are the first victims of illiteracy in Tunisia, with the illiteracy rate being 31% among females compared to 14.8% among males (Statistics, 2004).

On the other hand, aggravated manifestations of verbal and physical violence against women in all circles, family, professional and public, is ever the more exacerbated by the phenomenon of prostitution in a clime of spreading consumerism and vanishing humanity. In the area of employment, women are the main victims of unemployment and arbitrary dismissal. The state does not take any action to improve wages or working conditions that are held by women, which is most onerous and dangerous for health. And laws put out by the authorities on the employment of women half the time they attack the right of women to work meaning this becomes a tacit encouragement for their return to the house, and the Tunisian state has yet to ratify ILO Convention Number 183/2000 on the protection of maternity leave (extended maternity leave for up to fourteen weeks and granting pre-holiday status), as it is still considered grounds for expulsion in the private sector. Pregnant women are not given due care by the state so that pregnancy is seen as a responsibility for women because is not seen as a social function for which the state must bare some of the consequences.

The achievement of practical equality between women and men is a necessary condition for all true democratic change. And women’s freedom is an integral part of democratic, popular and national change and the struggle for democratic and social rights. It is therefore necessary to invest in the struggle for social and political rights by enforcing the rights of women. They must be educated about their rights, and especially to defend those rights through their involvement in the struggle for radical and profound social change.

Source

Studies II: Religion, Politics & Leftists, Tunisia (I)

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interest) leftist parties as possible.

The following is a series of communiques from Tunisian left/center left political parties translated from Arabic. The purpose of this set of translations is to flesh out some of the discourses about competition with Islamist factions on the Tunisian left; naturally this post cannot reflect the totality of that discourse.

The communiques here were selected because: (1) they all deal with either physical or rhetorical/ideological competition between individual left or center-left parties which are generally secular in orientation and Islamist parties (an-Nahdha) or factions (groups of Salafis, religious activists, etc.); (2) each reflects the increasing polarization between secular (or semi-secular) and religious factions in Tunisia and the efforts taken by the secular parties to respond to this tension and deal with similar questions and incidents; and (3) each in its own way reflects the kinds of ideological and tactical challenges faced by Tunisian left-wing and secular parties when faced by competition from religious opponents and those parties’ style of response to these attacks and criticisms based on religious grounds. Common threads include: the use of mosques as political bully pulpits; accusations of atheism or apostasy as a means of discrediting communists and leftists; the use of violence by supporters of religious groups against communists and leftists; the position of Islamists toward freedom of thought, political tolerance and labor rights, along with other issues. Translations of communiques and tracts dealing with religious issues in more depth will come in later posts in this series. These particular communiques are relatively recent (from early/mid-June-early July) and reflect an increase in tension among various Tunisian political factions (coming in the same period as recent demonstrations, clashes with security forces and deepening suspicion between “the street” and the transitional authorities; translations dealing with these other questions are soon to follow as well). In the meantime these brief translations will introduce the subject in general in this series.

The communiques here come from: (1) The Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party (PCOT); (2) The Progressive Democratic Party (PDP); (3) The NationalDemocratic Action Party (PTPD); and (4) The Ettajdid Movement (Mouvement Ettajdid). Short summaries on each of these parties can be found here. The PCOT has been discussed in this series before, here. The PDP is a center-left/social democratic party headed by Maya Jribi and Ahmed Najib Chebbi. The PDP was founded in 1983 as the Progressive Social Rally, drawing from a Marxist backdrop and revising its name and ideological framework in 2000, move toward a more centrist position. It became was active against censorship and other violations by the Ben Ali government. It publishes a newspaper called al-Mawkif. It tends to poll second after an-Nahdha in opinion polls. It participated in legislative elections under the Ben Ali regime until 2004 and has a relatively middle class base of support. The PTPD is a small Marxist party, founded in 2005 and led by Abderrazak Hammami. It publishes a newspaper called Al-Iraada and was legalized only after the January uprising. Ettajdid is the former Tunisian Communist Party (PCT), reformed and now in a social democratic orientation. It publishes the Attariq al-Jadida newspaper. It was legal under Ben Ali and fielded candidates in the 2005 and 2009 elections and tends toward an aggressive stance on the separation of religion and politics.

1. PCOT

“No to using houses of worship to exploit and settle political scores”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3817

DATE: 12 June, 2011

STATEMENT TO THE PUBLIC:

The Tunisian Communist Workers Party of Kairouan declares in the wake of exposure by the followers of the Nahdha Movement during the Friday sermon of 10 June, and ongoing attacks against them calling them atheists in order to settle political accounts on matters that have nothing to with worship.

First: Rejects the use of houses of worship to pass on political speeches or to incite against political parties, as was done by the former president.

Second: To all concerned, communism is a vision of a political, intellectual, economic, social and cultural alternative, not a doctrine hostile to religion.

Third: Emphasizes the communists’ respect for freedom of belief and the right to worship without coercion or domination, and the sanctity of mosques as places of worship and calls for their neutrality so that they do not become platforms for political and ideological conflicts.

– Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party, Kairouan Branch

2. PDP

“Statement: Attack on the party activist Wafaa al-Jawwah . . . The an-Nahdah Movement holds responsibility”

LINK: http://www.pdpinfo.org/spip.php?article98154

DATE: 6 June, 2011

On Sunday, 5 June, in the city of Sfax Wafaa al-Jawwah, an activist of the Sfax group of the Democratic Progressive Party and the National Office for Women, suffered an attack of extreme violence resulting in her breaking her arm by a man named Fawzi al-Rais who openly declared his affiliation with the an-Nahdah Movement while participating in the volunteer clean-up effort after World Environment Day accompanied by a number of party activists in the city, and comrades of the his party who subjected participants to a campaign to raise awareness of the party’s ideology and to encourage citizens to attack and tear at posters and to pressure the group to leave the place.

The Progressive Democratic Party:
Strongly condemns this blatant abuse of activists, constant attacks and the threatening of its comrades who were forced to leave the place;
Holds the an-Nahdah Movement and its supporters responsible for dragging the country back down the slides of violence and call on them to [recognize] the need to respect the rules of peaceful competition between political parties and comply with the requirements of the transition’s route and its security;
Decides to take legal action to track down the offenders for [their] use of extreme violence and their assault on freedom of political activity;
Calls on all human rights and political forces to condemn this attack and respond to serious attempts to drag the country into political violence and its dangerous repercussions.

– Maya Jribi, Secretary General on behalf of the Politburo, 6 June, 2011

“Communique: On the abuses at the Afric’Art Hall”

LINK: http://www.pdpinfo.org/spip.php?article98174

DATE: 27 June, 2011

Following a violent assault suffered by Mr. Habib Belhadj, director of Afric’Art Hall, and a number of artists and attendees, at the hands of extremist fundamentalist groups who do not accept differences and do not see a way to defend their views other than by means of force, the Democratic Progressive Party:
Strongly condemns these backward methods and calls attention to the seriousness of this which represents a threat to the political process and to building [our] nascent democracy, for which Tunisians have sacrificed dearly and preciously;
Expresses its full solidarity with Mr. Habib Belhadj and all those caught up in the attack;
Calls on the government to track down the attackers and bring them to justice;
Emphasizes the need for concerted efforts to defend the values of moderation, freedom of thought and creativity regardless of the degree of consensus and differences of intellectual or creative opinion.

– Tunis, 27 June, 2011

“Statement: The Progressive Democratic Party strongly condemns all that would harm Tunisians’ religious feelings”

LINK: http://www.pdpinfo.org/spip.php?article98176

DATE: 30 June, 2011

In the wake of what transpired during the radio dialogue between Messrs. Abdel-Fattah Morou and Mohamed Talebi, which amounted to a degree offensiveness, [. . . ] shocking the feelings of Tunisians, the Progressive Democratic Party:
Strongly condemns all that would offend the sacred doctrines and coming from decorum in dealing with people’s beliefs, from any party regardless of his theological or doctrinal position;
Considers that the Tunisian people do not need to rediscover themselves or elements of its Arabo-Islamic identity, which was and still is among the most important pillars of national identity, and that freedom of opinion and expression must adhere to the ethnics of dialogue and away from all manifestations of provocation or dismissing [others’] beliefs;
Calls for not following efforts to drag the country into a maze of strife and sectarianism and blocking the road ahead of all calls to extremism and narrow-mindedness and the fortification of the country against manifestations of violence, working to achieve the objectives of our revolution for freedom and dignity raising the issue of democratic transition and facing the challenges on the political, economic and social fronts in a healthy democratic climate framing the political process without deviating from its [the revolution’s] objectives.

– Politburo of the Progressive Democratic Party, 30 June, 2011

3. PTPD

“Statement: A Response to the Smear Campaign”

LINK: http://www.hezbelamal.franceserv.com/index.php?id=129&type=art

DATE: 5 July, 2011

After a campaign of distortion, which affected leaders in the core of the party to the extent of slander [defamation] and takfir from some obscurantist elements of takfirism, presenting some associated with the political party by promoting allegations that elements of the National Democratic Action Party of Sidi Bou Rouis were behind tearing down their flyers which were on the facades of shops and on walls.

While the National Democratic Action Party, Siliana Branch notes the need to refrain from smear campaigns and systematically baseless accusations and is directed against it, it calls on political parties that contradict it ideologically to respect the literature of political activity and that competition between parties should not go beyond the political sphere and extend into other arenas, especially the religious domain.

The party also emphasizes the need to respect the Islamic faith, which is followed by the majority of the people and condemns any exploitation of religion for narrow, partisan propaganda and that the failure to convince the masses of iffy factionalism does not justify resorting to emotional rhetoric and playing on the religious sentiments of the people. It also warns the party that the behavior of some associates of the an-Nahda Movement pushes toward extremism with some groups possibly resorting to violence, therefore presenting a threat to social harmony and undermining the formidable solidarity between citizens.

The National Democratic Action Party aligns with the affected classes and all kinds of people going with the masses of our people into the countryside and also in the cities in economic and social programs in accordance with the general perception of the basis for an equitable distribution of wealth and working to establish a system of legislation and law to ensure that alternative. Also the welfare of the population and the improvement of their standard of living can only be achieved by pushing [up] the pace of production and developing the national economy and consolidating the values of rationality, equality and fighting all forms of foreign exploitation of national resources, whether human or material.

– 5 July, 2011

4. Ettajdid

“Press release from the Ettajdid Movement after the attack on the Afric’Art Cinema”

LINK: http://www.ettajdid.org/details_article.php?t=705&a=25000&temp=1&lang=ar&w=

DATE: 26 June, 2011

Following the violent attack on the eve of Sunday 26 June, 2011 the art cinema “Afric’Art,” where a few dozens of fanatical acts of sabotage and bullying against the owners of the cinema and threats against attendees of a cultural event organized by the association “Lem Echaml” under the slogan of “Hands off the artists”, the Ettajdid Movement expresses its condemnation of this barbaric attack, which is not the first of its kind, and which represents slide that seriously threatens cultural life and the minimum standards of individual and collective freedom, as expressed in the movement for severe denunciation of the nefarious actions who decided to depart from the law pitching themselves as the protectors of Islam and the managers of the consciences and minds [of others], terrorizing citizens and they want to wrestle control by force and impose patterns of isolated and backward thinking and behavior upon society. The Ettajdid Movement expresses its full solidarity with the victims of this attack and stands determined along side artists and intellectuals, calling upon all political parties and associations and citizens to resist the phenomena of attacks on meetings and events no matter what the challenge, and it calls for the authorities concerned to protect freedom of expression and assembly and exercise their full rigor in punishing the perpetrators of these attacks according to the law.

– Tunis, 26 June, 2011, First Secretary of the Ettajdid Movement, Ahmed Ibrahim

Source

Studies I: PCOT on Foreign Affairs (I)

This post is a part of a new series of posts which will consist of translations and excerpts from the communiques, statements, pamphlets and other literature from left-wing political parties in the Arab world, especially Tunisia (others as well, Egypt, Algeria and Mauritania in particular). The selections will focus on foreign policy, women’s issues, relations with other political factions (mainly Islamists and other leftist tendencies), ideology, rhetoric and general worldview. The purpose of this series is to put into English elements of the contemporary Arab political discourse which are generally neglected in western and English-language reportage and analysis while the of Islamist tendency receives extensive, if not excessive coverage. The translations in this series should not be taken as this blogger endorsing or promoting the content of particular materials: the objective is to increase access to and understanding of the contemporary Arab left by making its perspectives known, especially in areas of interest and relevance to English-speakers. This series will include both leftist and Arab nationalist [party] documents, statements, communiques, articles and so on. The series will attempt to touch on as many of the main (and interest) leftist parties as possible.

The following post contains translations of tree communiques and articles dealing with uprisings in the Arab region from the Tunisian Communist Workers Party (Parti communiste des ouvriers tunisiens/حزب العمال الشيوعي التونسي‎, or PCOT; its website is malfunctioning as of early afternoon, 13 July). The PCOT is a hard left party, led by Hamma Hammami and belonging to the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (Unity & Struggle). It is a Marxist-Leninist party with Hoxhaist and Stalinist tendencies (see later postings) and considers itself to be a revolutionary party. It is stridently pro-Palestinian and against normalization with Israel. It was founded in 1986 and has an active presence among youth and students. The party operated continuously through the Ben Ali period and its members and leaders were persecuted like many other Tunisian oppositionists. The PCOT was legalized after the January 2011 uprising. It has allied with other leftwing parties and supported the decision to postpone constituent assembly election until October, believing this would give the left more time to organize and prepare (the Islamist party an-Nahdha is considered the frontrunner out does most other parties in the polls). The PCOT came in fourth in a Sigma poll in May (9.2%) and third in an al-Jazeera poll this month (5%; conducted in late May/early June). (Note the wide discrepancy between the polls. Also see The Economist‘s analysis of the situation here which is less triumphant in an-Nahda’s favor and which gives more attention to the fact that most voters are undecided and that a large coalition of secular factions has formed in an effort to counter an-Nahdha.) The PCOT represents one of the strongest currents on the far left side of the Tunisian political spectrum. Though it takes support from a small minority, its activists and members have been heavily involved in demonstrations during and after the uprising that overthrew Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali.

The three communiqués here deal with foreign affairs in the Arab region. One deals with Palestine, another with the UN/NATO intervention in Libya and a third with the Syrian uprising. These are selected for the following reasons: (1) they deal directly with timely issues related to the “Arab spring” from the perspective of a political party which was heavily involved in the Tunisian uprising; (2) they are representative of the general tone of the party’s attitudes on Arab uprisings and external intervention and interference; (3) they are written by diverse segments of the party’s organs and membership. Future translations from the PCOT will deal with (1) more foreign affairs issues inside and outside the Arab region; (2) religious and women’s issues and (3) general ideology.

1. Libya

PCOT: “Statement on the military intervention in Libya”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3741

DATE: 20 March, 2011

A number of imperialist countries (France, the United States, etc.) have launched air and missile attacks on sites said to belong to Mu’amar al-Qadhafi. These attacks came after the decision of the “Security Council,” which gave the green light to initiate military operations in Libya.

The Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party is concerned that the purpose of this intervention is not the protection of the Libyan people from the oppression of Qadhafi, but instead the occupation of the country, to subjugate its people, plunder its resources and use its territory to establish military bases for the control of North Africa in order to ensure the security of the Zionist Entity and safeguard the interests of the imperialist powers in the region. France, the United States and all western countries which have launched attacks on Libya today have no interest in the triumph of the popular revolts blowing down Arab regimes, corruption and unemployment, things which long found support and backing from the colonial powers, so today we see they are quick to take the necessary precautions so as not to let things get out of hand.

The brotherly Libyan people will be able to overthrow Qadhafi, depending on their capabilities and the support of other Arab peoples (and all the revolutionary forces of the world), and are not in need foreign intervention which will only bring them more killing and destruction, as well as violations of their sovereignty and the occupation of their land and the plunder of their resources.

The Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party expresses its rejection of the military intervention and calls for their immediate halt. It also calls on all anti-imperialist forces in the Arab and Islamic world at large to move and calls on all the peoples of the world to come out in marches and demonstrations and engage in all forms of struggle in order to stop this interference.

Long live the struggle of Arab peoples for freedom, dignity and the fall of the Arab regimes and corrupt puppets. Down with the imperialist enemies of the people and the protectors of the Zionist Entity.

– The Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party, 20 March, 2011.

2. Palestine

Tunisian Union of Communist Youth: “On the Anniversary of Land Day: Let the Revolution of the Arab Peoples be a step in the direction of the liberation of Palestine”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3754

DATE: 30 March, 2011

Let the Palestinian people be revived today, the thirty-fifth anniversary of Land Day under the obnoxious Zionist occupation and under political division, which has bedeviled Palestinian ranks and prevented success in stopping the gushing of settlements, which seek to obliterate the Arab identity of Palestinians towns and villages under the mantle of “more land and fewer Arabs”. The celebration of this anniversary in these particular circumstances mark national resistance and are a reminder of the persistence of resistance in the face of this racist [regime] which does not hesitate to use the dirtiest and most arrogant methods to swallow up the Palestinian territories. There is no doubt that the return of sovereignty to the Arab peoples, especially the Tunisians, will provide strong support for the Palestinian cause after the removal Ben Ali and Mubarak, who dedicated themselves in service of the occupation and forced their people to remain silent and easily suppressed demonstrations and campaigns [against Israel] in obedience to the racist entity to provide a good “neighborhood” and faith.

The Tunisian Union of Communist Youth salutes the steadfastness of the Palestinian people, reiterates its absolute support as it has since its establishment as an advanced and progressive site for the Palestinian national cause and:

That the unity of the Palestinian ranks, nation, resistance, democracy best answers and expresses the demands of the Palestinian reality, especially with the failure of successive governments to put an end to the barbaric and racist policy back up by the United States of America and employed by the regimes of the Arab countries;

That the Tunisian people, on the day after their glorious revolution bear more responsibility on the basis of national and humanitarian bonds to provide support for the brotherly Palestinian people in regaining their usurped land and their right to impose their sovereignty in the context of a progressive and democratic state.

Thus it emphasizes breaking all forms of normalization with the Zionist enemy and annulling all secret treaties which the previous regime spent its time on.

It calls for all the activities of the community of activists, parties, organizations, associations and personalities toward the activation of solidarity with and to publicize the Palestinian cause and to celebrate this anniversary in a manner fitting of its symbolism.

Long live the Palestinian people.

Downfall to Zionism, imperialism and reactionary Arabs.

Long live the Tunisian Revolution supporting the brotherly Palestinian people.

Immortality to the martyrs and victory to the resistance.

– Tunisian Union of Communist Youth. Tunis, 30 March, 2011.

3. Syria

Article by Samir Hammouda: “Syria: The Pending Dictatorship…”

LINK: http://www.albadil.org/spip.php?article3755

DATE: 1 April, 2011

The Arab masses continue to make history. Current events in Syria today developed from ideological struggle and political fact. The most notorious dictatorships, including those hide by painting themselves as “nationalist” and “resisting Zionism” also downfall by means of mass vibrations.

From its start till now the popular uprising in Syria proceeds with more than 150 martyrs and hundreds of wounded after only a few days. The martyrs and the wounded are not the result of Zionist bombing or terrorism. Instead they come from the bloody repression of the “nationalist” Syrian regime.

In that country, as in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen, Bahrain, Algeria, Morocco and Libya events are in essence repeating by similar ways, despite different specificities in this or that country, for be sure that the catastrophe is the Arab reality and true despotism for all Arab regimes.

The uprising of the masses in Syria is the result of the same underlying social, economic and political causes which shook the pillars of dictatorship in the rest of the Arab world. Syria is also a country of poverty, unemployment, regional disparities and is penetrated by liberal capitalism. In Syria, too, there is a total absence of freedoms, suppression of the opposition for the sake of maintaining sectarianism and smashing people’s most basic political, economic and cultural rights. In Syria corruption is rampant and the minority of the local bourgeoisie holds a monopoly on the country’s economy and wealth and the control of the political police has a hold on the judiciary and the throats of the citizens.

The policies and words of the Syrian regime in the face of popular protests and its suppression and distortions are of the same version know to Arab peoples under the despotic regimes in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and other countries. If Bashar al-As’ad accused his opponents of being controlled by outsiders and the public of a tendency to drift along according to foreign schemes hostile to the country’s interests this is not the best political speech since Ben Ali and Mubarak or Qadhafi and Ali Saleh. All dictatorships, whatever their ideological dress — “nationalist” or “socialist” or “Islamic” — resort to the same outdated and false arguments to justify tyranny and the depravation of the people’s liberties as is necessary for political and social emancipation. While the Syrian regime boasts of thousands at the demonstrations of its supporters its security and military apparatus massacres and tortures its opponents. But history does not run out of lessons. Yushenko was boasting thousands at his crowds before his downfall, Ben Ali bragged of two million members in his own party a few days before fleeing.

But the popular uprising in Syria increases the taste for blood and for politics and other dimensions at the local level as in the rest of the Arab world. The Syrian regime is the last in a series of regimes that embraced the Ba’th project on the basis of Arab nationalist aspirations for unity, socialism and liberation from colonialism and Zionism. In recent decades, the Syrian regimes support has been an important component in Arab power, not only on the nationalist file, but also on the leftist and Islamist ones. This was done under the banner of “nationalism” and claiming that the Syrian regime is part of the nationalist forces that stand on the front lines of confrontation with the Zionist Entity.

We have stood on many occasions against political forces urging us to overlook the dictatorial approach of this regime on the pretext of standing against the Zionist Entity and we consider this approach opportunistic, harmful and against the development of the revolutionary movement and combativeness in the Arab world and national liberation. Patriotism and resistance to colonialism and to Zionist and imperialist plans facing us cannot be in contradiction with the people’s enjoyment of their full democratic and political freedoms, or their condition at the forefront. It is true that political freedoms alone are not sufficient to realization of national aims, but the sovereignty of the Arab peoples and the revival of the Arab world and unity in the face of imperialism will not be achieved without them. Why would democracy for the Arab peoples not antagonize the Zionist Entity if this were not a threat to its very existence?! And why has America supported and still support the tyranny of Arab regimes if these do not serve its interests and objectives?! And how can our peoples achieve unity and finally dispose of the poisons of religious conflict, sectarianism, tribalism and local infighting among their parties without citizenship and equality without democracy and the triumph of citizenship and equality without conquering discrimination based on classism, sectarianism, religion, gender or ideology?!

The failure of the Syrian regime once again confirms the failure of authoritarian regimes in achieving national goals: unity and socialism and liberation from colonialism and Zionism. If bourgeois democracy is the gateway to the dismantlement of Arab dictatorships and despotic regimes then the Arab people are not doomed to merely copy them and are instead able to overcome their shortcomings and negative aspects toward broader and greater democracy, democracy responsive to the grassroots, national political ambitions and economic and cultural rights.

No one today can predict how events in Syria will evolve, nor the depth or extent of the preparedness of the Syrian people to topple Bashar al-As’ad yet it is certain the Syrian regime will not respond to calls for political reform for it is not in its character or interest of a single Arab dictatorship to respond to the people’s demands for freedom. The regime that represses its people and harasses its opponents does have a future or a way out of crisis and collapses by its own internal rot, the laws of its own design and by the advancement of the masses, sooner or later.

– Samir Hammouda, 1 April, 2011

Source

Tunisia: The Founding Statement of the 14th of January Front

Affirming our engagement in the revolution of our people which fought for its right to freedom and national dignity and made great sacrifices, including dozens of martyrs and thousands of wounded and prisoners, and in order to complete the victory against interior and external enemies and to oppose any attempts to crush the fruits of these sacrifices, we constituted “the 14th of January Front” as a political framework which will apply itself to the advancement of the revolution of our people towards the achievement of its objectives and to oppose the forces of counter-revolution. The Front consists of national democratic and progressive parties, forces, and organizations.

The urgent tasks of this Front are:

1. To bring down the current Ghannouchi government or any government containing symbols of the old regime which applies an anti-national and anti-popular policy and serves the interests of the deposed president.

2. To dissolve the RCD and to confiscate its headquarters, its property, its financial assets and funds, since they belong to the people.

3. To form an interim government which enjoys the confidence of the people, of the militant progressive political, social, and trade-union forces, and of the youth.

4. To dissolve the House of Representatives and the Senate, all the existing artificial bodies, and the High Council of the Judiciary; to dismantle the political structure of the old regime; and to prepare the election of a constituent assembly within a maximum of one year in order to formulate a new democratic constitution and to found a new legal system to frame the public life which guarantees the political, economic, and cultural rights of the people.

5. To dissolve the political police and to adopt a new policy of security based on respect for human rights and the rule of the law.

6. To bring to justice all those who are guilty of stealing the people’s money, all those who committed crimes against the people like repression, imprisonment, torture, and humiliation, whether in the decision-making or in the execution, and finally all those who are convinced of corruption and diversion of public goods.

7. To expropriate the former ruling family, their close relations and associates, and all the civil servants who used their positions to grow rich at the expense of the people.

8. To create jobs for the unemployed; to take urgent measures to grant unemployment benefits and provide greater social security and health care coverage; and to improve the purchasing power for the employed.

9. To build a national economy in the service of the people where the vital and strategic sectors are under the supervision of the State; to renationalize those institutions which have been privatized; and to formulate an economic and social policy which breaks with the liberal capitalist approach.

10. To guarantee public and individual freedoms, especially freedom of expression, freedom of association, freedom of the press, information, and thought; and to release prisoners and to promulgate a law of amnesty.

11. The Front hails the support of the popular masses and the progressive forces in the Arab world and the whole world for the revolution in Tunisia and invites them to continue their support by all possible means.

12. Resistance to normalization with the Zionist entity, its penalization, and the support for the national liberation movements in the Arab world and the whole world.

13. The Front calls on all the popular masses and nationalist forces and progressives to continue the mobilization and the struggle in all forms of legitimate protest, particularly in the streets, until the proposed objectives are achieved.

14. The Front hails all the committees, associations, and forms of popular self-organization and invites them to widen their sphere of intervention to all that concerns the conduct of public affairs and various aspects of everyday life.

Glory to the martyrs of the Intifada, and Victory to the revolutionary masses of our people!

Tunisia, 20 January 2011
League of the Labor Left
Movement of Nasserist Unionists
Movement of Democratic Nationalists
Democratic Nationalists (Al-Watad)
Baasist Current
Independent Left
Tunisian Communist Workers Party
Patriotic and Democratic Labour Party

PCOT: Revolution until we achieve full and effective equality between the sexes

Tunisian women salutes this year’s International Women’s Day in a historic new. The Tunisian people revolted and managed on 14 January last drop of the dictator and the seizure of freedom. Today he continues his revolution to finally get rid of the dictatorship and the establishment of a democratic system, and achieve a national and popular in which the demands and aspirations.

Has contributed to women in active and effective in this revolution of the country’s south to the north, contributed to the workers and employees and Almatlat work of university graduates and students and the educated and creative, lawyers and judges, housewives, and gave great pictures of the resistance and resilience.

The campus of the Ben Ali police, although Chdgah to “modernity”, Tunisian women of their freedom and rights. A large number of them, of whom campaigners from the Labour Party and his youth, to arrest, torture and deprivation of the study and employment. Women and deprived even of the Day March 8, which turned into a formal occasion to glorify the dictator. And highlighted the latter had caused all of the oppression of women struggling and associations, committees and independent women’s clubs.

Despite the noise, which was held on the status of women in Tunisia, they did not Anlun in fact, their rights, complete and did not earning an equal basis with men, not on the legal level or in terms of reality, where stayed the first victims of unemployment, poverty and marginalization, discrimination in various areas (wages and promotion, professional … ), illiteracy, prostitution, violence, etc..

The women in Tunisia face a new stage of their lives. The revolution is not over yet and still the Tunisian people did not hold the reins of power and conflict at its peak with the remnants of the dictatorship that wants to abort the revolution. The women, as men, are welcome to continue the struggle until the revolution does not stop in the middle of the road and unable to enemies of the revolution to regain control.

The January 14 revolution is a revolution of freedom and equality, dignity and social justice. These values ​​are to be translated on the ground for the women of Tunisia, not to go back and not a continuation of the persecution and inequality in any form and under any pretext whatsoever. The opportunity for women to Tunisia are earning a significant jump on the road to complete their liberation and the actual and the markers of a new page of Arab women who are still toiling under the yoke of tyranny medieval.

One of the important stations in the next phase which will have a role in shaping the future of women in Tunisia is the station the election of the National Constituent Assembly which will draft a new constitution for the country. The transformation of gender equality and the principle of constitutional empowerment of women the same rights as men in the family, society and public life and the recognition of the social function of motherhood, and the criminalization of all forms of discrimination, sexual themes are a must-have from a site in the new constitution.

• To advance the revolution in order to achieve its objectives.
• To strive to be the election of the Constituent Assembly consecration of popular sovereignty.
• To make full and effective equality between the sexes gain from the gains of the revolution.

Tunisian Communist Workers’ Party
March 8, 2011