Category Archives: Greece

International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO): On the International Situation

The most significant development in the world capitalist economy, since the last meeting of our Conference is undoubtedly the intensification of the symptoms that prove the trend toward a new recession in all fields, after a certain rise in the second quarter of 2009, followed by a period of stagnation. Despite the trend towards a rise in the second quarter, world industrial production shrank 6.6% in 2009 and rose 10% in 2010. The industrial production of June 2010 exceeded its previous level before the crisis of 2008. But starting from the first quarter of 2011, the growth lost momentum and fell to 0.4% in the last quarter of that year. In 2011, world industrial production declined by half (5.4%) compared to the previous year. In the first quarter of 2012, after a weak rise, the growth declined. The growth was 1.8% in the first quarter, 0% in the second and 4% in the last quarter of 20l2. All the data show that, despite fluctuations, a decline persists that began in the first quarter of 2011, which led to zero level in the middle of this year [2012] and is heading for a new period of decline.

Industrial production in the European Union, which is a larger economic power than the U.S.; in Japan, which is third largest world economic power; in India, one of the largest economies in Asia, have had consecutive declines in the third quarter of 2011 and in the first two quarters of 2012 compared to the same period last year. Industrial production in Brazil, the largest economy in Latin America, has also entered into decline in the last two quarters. North African countries like Tunisia and Egypt, and other countries such as Argentina, Colombia and Peru, are in similar situations.

The rate of growth of industrial production in China, in the first and second quarters of 2012, was 11.6% and 9.5%, while it was 14.4% in 2010 and 13.8% in 2011. The downward trend continued in July, 9.2% and in August, 8.9%. China, which grew by 12.9% and 12.3% in the crisis years (2008 and 2009), was, along with India, one of the factors that prevented a further sharpening of the crisis and that allowed the world economy to enter into a new period of growth. The situation in that country has changed considerably. Now it is a country that is accumulating stockpiles in the steel industry, which is facing a slowdown in the construction sector, which has important holes in the financial sector. Those countries that saw lower growth rates despite the stimulus measures to revive the domestic market, are now unable to play the same role as before. The industrial production of Mexico and the Confederation of Independent States (CIS), including Russia, continues to grow. However, while the industrial production in the major countries and the volume of international trade are falling, for these countries also, a decrease is expected.

Unlike simple commodity production, a more rapid growth in the production of the means of production, compared to consumer goods, is a condition for expanded reproduction. But with the capitalist mode of production producing for an unknown market, with the sole purpose of obtaining profits, a consistent development of the two sectors is impossible and this is one of the factors that makes crises inevitable. In the last three years, as well as before, these two sectors have not developed consistently. In the first sector, demand has fallen, the volume of growth has fallen, stockpiles are accumulating and capacity utilization has fallen. In 2010 and 2011 the steel industry, an important component of the production of means of production, grew faster than the consumer goods sector. According to data from the World Steel Union, the growth rate in production was 15% in 2010 compared to the previous year, but in 2011 the figure fell to 6.2%. In January raw steel production saw a sharp drop to 8%, and it has stayed at 0.8% in the period from January to May of 2012. In August of 2012 raw steel production fell 1% in relation to 2011. In the same period, raw steel production rose 3.3% in Japan (a significant increase if one takes into account the major fall due to the tsunami) and 2.6% in India. It has fallen by 1.7% in China, 3.8% in the U.S., 4.4% in the EU, 7.1% in Germany, 15.5% in Italy and 3.8% in the Confederation of Independent States (CIS). The iron stockpiles in Chinese ports reached 98.15 million tons (an increase of 2.9%) belonging to the steel complexes. And stockpiles of Chinese coal are at their highest level in the last three years.

In manufacturing, a very important element of the production of the means of production, production and demand have declined in many countries. This decline has been one of the reasons for the cooling of industrial production in Germany, for example. In the capitalist mode of production, the agricultural sector, by its level of development and its technical basis, is always behind industry. Agricultural production is largely affected by the natural conditions, climate changes, droughts, storms and other natural catastrophes. Agricultural production is increasingly under the control of the monopolies and the speculative maneuvers of finance capital. In 2010 world agricultural production, including the production of cereals, has shrunk due to various factors such as bad weather or the expansion of plots reserved for bio-fuel production. On the other hand, in 2011, agricultural production has progressed thanks to better weather conditions, and also to increased demand and higher prices due to speculation. For example, wheat production increased by about 6%.

In 2009 the volume of world trade has declined 12.7%. According to data from the World Trade Organization (WTO), that volume registered a growth of 13.8% in 2010, and only 5% in 2011 (according to figures from the CPL, the growth was 15.2% in 2010, and 5.8% in 2011). The volume of world trade has grown by 0.5% in the final quarter of last year, and by 0.9% and 0.5% in the first and second quarter of 2012 respectively. During the first two months of the third quarter (June and July), the volume of world trade recorded a negative growth of -1.5% and -0.2% compared to the previous months.

World industrial production reached and surpassed the pre-crisis level of 2008, in June 2010, while the volume of international trade did not surpass this until November 2011. If we compare the data of July 2012 with the level reached before the crisis of 2008 (that is, April 2008), we see an increase of 9.5% in world industrial production and an increase of 5% in the total volume of growth in world trade.

The data on the increase of the volume of world trade is one of the most important that shows an evolutionary trend, although it does not exactly reflect the volume of growth of world trade. These data show that for the last three years, the world capitalist production has increased rapidly and that the capitalist world is once again facing the problem of overproduction, which is the source of all its crises. Decreased production, closing or reduction in work capacity of enterprises, rising unemployment and poverty; needs in abundance and the restriction of markets are the inevitable consequences of overproduction. The sharp slowdown in world industrial production has been shown above. The events in North Africa and the austerity measures taken in countries like Greece, Spain, Italy, Portugal, etc., are factors that are aggravating this process and its consequences.

Towards a New Financial Crisis

The crisis of 2008 broke out as a financial crisis, at the same time as the crisis deepened in other sectors, such as industry and trade, it developed with contacts in the finance sector with serious consequences for the following period. The most destructive consequences for the monopolies and the eventual collapse of the financial sector were avoided by transferring of billions of dollars into the coffers of the monopolies by the capitalist States. This rescue operation was only possible by accepting a debt to financial markets with very high interest rates, and the issuance of money into the markets. The end result is an extreme State debt, an increase in the debt and interest burden, a rise in the price of gold and the loss of value (devaluation) of almost all currencies.

Countries at different levels have entered a vicious circle that has elements of new currency and financial crises, in which they can finance their budget deficit, their debts and interests, having to borrow again. The capitalist world began a period of growth starting in the second quarter of 2009, with the weight inherited from the 2008 crisis. However, this period of growth has enabled recipient countries to breathe a little, turn the wheel that was on the verge of suffocating them. The growth of the world economy stopped and even lowered the price of gold for a moment. In some countries, such as China that had a significant growth rate, the ratio of the public debt to GDP decreased. But in other countries, such as Japan and the U.S., a substantial debt has continued, even during the period of growth of the capitalist world economy. The U.S. public debt represents the sum of $16 billion (the debt of Germany, which grew until the second half of this year, is 8 billion). Other capitalist countries are in a similar situation. The increasing debt is almost the condition of financial sustainability and economic growth. And this is the path that is leading directly to a new financial crisis that may profoundly affect all sectors of the economy.

The highly indebted countries have not been able to achieve a period of growth after the financial crisis and the fall in world industrial production that took place between the second quarter of 2008 and the second quarter of 2009; this period has led to a financial crisis that has affected the other sectors of the economy that has led them to bankruptcy. The first example of this process was in Greece, where the weakness was such that the industry, very weak, was largely liquidated when it joined the EU. After the 2008 crisis, in 2009, the economy of this country did not grow, and by the end of the year it was on the verge of bankruptcy. This country, followed by others such as Portugal, Spain, Hungary, etc., has not been able to get out of the crisis and stagnation. However, important differences should be noted in its debt in relation to the GDP.

Austerity measures never seen before, except in times of war or crisis as deep as 1929, have been imposed on the indebted countries. The result of these measures has been to impoverish the people, destroy the economy and reduce the internal market and foreign trade. These austerity plans have been applied (despite the opposition and struggle of the working class and peoples) under the control of the creditor imperialist powers, the international institutions such as the IMF, World Bank and European Union, and above all with the support of the collaborator monopoly bourgeoisie and its representatives, these enemies of the people. They have transferred billions of dollars to foreign banks, completely betraying the national interests. The national pride of the people, their right to sovereignty and independence have been trampled upon. A country like Britain that had a strong financial sector, but since mid-2011 has seen its industrial production and its economy reduced, has been forced to march along with the countries implementing austerity measures.

The significant decrease in the volume of growth of world industrial production, which began in the second quarter of 2011, is developing the elements of a new international financial crisis and is contributing to the degradation of the situation of the highly indebted countries. They failed to enter a period of growth parallel to the process of growth of the world capitalist economy following the crisis of 2008-2009. While the debate over the future of the Euro and the European Union is sharpening, the communiqués on the economic trends of the advanced capitalist countries and the indebted countries have sown confusion in the stock markets, barometers of the capitalist economy. Although world industrial and agricultural production and the volume of international -trade have exceeded the highest level before the crisis of 2008, the indices of the most influential stock markets remain below that level.

Although we are not yet experiencing the outbreak of a financial crisis of major proportions, everything makes it appear that the process is advancing towards such an eventuality. The U.S. Federal Reserve Bank (FED) has announced that it will not raise interest rates and that it will start a process of purchasing bonds for an amount of $2,000 billion dollars, at the rate of $40 billion per month. Japan has announced a similar measure and has begun a program of buying bonds to the tune of $695 billion.

Germany has had to relax its rigid policy towards the indebted countries and the European fund for the intervention in countries facing difficulties has increased. China, along with measures of revival that it has already applied, announced a new investment package to renovate its infrastructure. The price of gold is rising again. In 2008, the intense intervention of the capitalist States began after the outbreak of the crisis. Now, however, the capitalist States have gone into action before the shocks and bankruptcies at the same level as in 2008 start in the major capitalist countries and worldwide. However, these interventions, which can have some influence on the process of development, cannot change the orientation and the inevitable outcome.

The Sharpening of the Inter-Imperialist Contradictions and the Growing Danger of Conflicts

Uneven, unbalanced development is the absolute law of capitalist development. This process after the crisis of 2008 was not balanced, it deepened the antagonistic contradictions in the evolution and development of the relations between sectors, countries, regions, production and markets, etc. The industrial production of the advanced capitalist countries, including the U.S. and Japan, except Germany (ignoring the high level of 2008), did not reach the level of 2005. Germany, which has exceeded the pre-crisis level and has had a growth in industrial production of 11.5% in 2010 and 9% in 2011, has consolidated its position within the European Union and the Euro zone. Without separating itself from the bloc led by the United States, it has penetrated into new markets, new fields of investment, sources of raw materials, basing itself on its economic and financial strength, and above all, on its technical superiority in the industry of machine construction.

As in previous years, China, both because of its industrial production and its economy in general, was the country that had the most significant growth among major economies. It has modernized and increased the technical basis of its industry, and it continues to reduce the difference in its level of development with the other imperialist powers. Russia is going through a similar process. For the United States and its allies, these two countries, one considered as a vast market and production area with a trained and cheap work force, and the other a solid country, appear today as their main rivals to fight against.

The inevitable result of the change in the balance of power is the great demand for a piece of the pie by the emerging forces, using all means to get it and a new redivision of the world according the new balance of power. The recent development of the world economy is another factor that exacerbates the contradictions and the struggles among the major imperialist powers. Last year in the Middle East, in Africa and the whole world, the rivalry and struggle to expand their sphere of influence has accelerated. The production of weapons, the arms race is intensifying. China and Russia have renewed the technical basis of their arms industry. According to a report by the Congress of the United States, arms sales by these countries have tripled in 2011.

China, which increasingly needs more raw materials, energy and fields of investment for its growing economy, and Russia, which is slowly recovering, are intensifying their expansionist desires and their efforts to get their piece of the pie. Therefore, it is a top priority for the U.S. and its allies to prevent China, a young imperialist power in full development, and Russia, from achieving new markets in the field of energy and raw materials. When the Obama administration states that beginning next year the priority strategic objective for the United States will be Asia, and that the deployment of the U.S. military will be renewed according to the new situation, this is merely affirming that reality. The crisis of the archipelagos shows the level of tension between Japan and China; Japan has declared its intention to improve its military capability. The military maneuvers in the region have intensified.

The consequences of the change in the balance of power in the world have been clearly visible since last year. Russia and China were forced to accept Western imperialist intervention in Libya, even though that intervention was contrary to their interests. The intervention ended with the overthrow of the Gaddafi regime, the near collapse of the country, the destruction of its economy, the degradation of working and living conditions, the transfer of the country’s wealth into the hands of the Western imperialist States, etc. Russia and China lost a good part of their positions, including their oil agreements. After the fall of the Gaddafi regime, Mali has been dragged into war and divided. But the main objective is Syria. The attempts by the Western imperialist powers to topple the Syrian regime and put in a puppet government to fully control the country are intensifying. The United States and its allies have mobilized all their forces within Syria and outside of it in Turkey, Jordan, Saudi Arabia and Qatar. They are stirring up the religious contradictions, they use and manipulate the popular discontent towards the regime and they try to prepare the ground for a military intervention as in Libya. Meanwhile Russia is arming Syria, strengthening its military base located in that country and sending more warships to the Mediterranean.

To bring down the Syrian regime, put in place a puppet government, dominate the oil-rich Middle East, control the eastern Mediterranean, block the expansion of China and Russia in the region and expel them as they did in Libya, to encircle Iran, weaken its influence and liquidate its closest allies, are very important objectives. Syria is the only country in the Middle East and the eastern Mediterranean where Russia has a military base. This small country has become a place of intense struggle between Russia and China on the one hand, and the United States and its allies on the other. The Middle East is a powder keg on the verge of religious conflicts.

Contrary to what they did in Libya, Russia and China are opposing a military intervention that would alter the balance in the Middle East and result in the domination of the United States and its allies over Syria. But they have left the door open for a possible compromise that would guarantee their interests and renew the Syrian regime which is having more and more difficulties to survive.

As the case of Afghanistan, former Yugoslavia, Iraq, Ivory Coast and Libya show, the imperialist interventions that have had the support of the liberal “defenders” of freedom and democracy, of the pseudo-socialist parties that emerged from the former revisionist parties, have resulted in increased military budgets at the expense of the workers, in the destruction of the productive forces of those countries, in many disasters, the impoverishment and decline in all social aspects. The aspiration of the peoples for the right to sovereignty and national independence, democracy and freedom has never been the concern of the occupiers. Their objective was to further prolong their system maintained by the defeat inflicted on the working class in the middle of the last century, a defeat that guaranteed their super-profits, the expansion of their spheres of influence and the weakening of their rivals. The imperialist powers, which are using all means to achieve this goal, do not lack in demagoguery and low maneuvers to disorient the people’s anger.

Now a period of sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions is beginning, which economic-financial and political-military interventions will multiply. It is increasingly important to fight against such intervention, to develop the united fight of the workers and peoples, in both the advanced and backward countries,.

Organize the Resistance of the Workers in the New Stormy Period

The army of unemployed is growing on the world level, especially in countries in total-debt crisis, in the countries in which the economy is declining, stagnating or is in crisis. In Greece and Spain, unemployment has reached 25%. In these countries, unemployment among the youths, including college graduates, reached 50%. In the Euro zone in the second quarter of 2012, the level of unemployment reached 11.2%, according to official figures. In countries such as Egypt and Tunisia, where manufacturing has fallen from 9.6% to 7.5% in the first quarter of this year (2012), the number of unemployed continues to grow. In South Africa, the most developed country on the continent, the unemployment rate exceeds 25%.

In the current period, in almost all fields, from education to health care, drastic measures have been taken, the retirement age has been delayed and pensions have fallen. The gains of the working class worldwide are targeted for cuts or elimination. While direct taxes on the workers are increasing, no measures are taken to disturb the local and international monopolies, when even within the framework of this system one could increase taxes on the banks and the local and foreign monopolies. Wages continue to fall, etc. Many countries are suffering from a process of absolute impoverishment.

In recent years practices have been imposed worldwide such as sub-contracting labor, precarious and part-time work, an increase in the age for retirement, etc. In Germany, for example, one of the most developed countries in the world that has had significant growth rates in industrial production, according to the Federal Administration of Statistics, 15.6% of the population lives below the poverty line, a figure that rises to 26% among the immigrant population.

Last year, on a world scale and in each country, the workers and peoples movement has developed with various demands, in different forms and also at different levels. The struggles carried out in those countries with a “debt crisis” have been outstanding for their broad social base, for their responses and the experiences gained. The miners’ strike in South Africa, the youth movement and the strikes in Chile, the popular movements in Tunisia and Egypt, etc. are powerful examples of the workers and peoples struggles.

Starting with Greece, Spain and Italy, in various countries with a “debt crisis,” strikes, general strikes and huge demonstrations have taken place. In Greece and Spain, hundreds of thousands of people have expressed their anger in front of the parliaments on the days when these were voting for austerity measures. But the workers and peoples movement, despite some more advanced attempts, has remained within the framework of peaceful demonstrations, general strikes of one or two days and limited resistance. The strikes of long duration, the resistance or occupation of factories, have been limited to one enterprise or one sector.

The austerity measures have affected not only the proletariat and semi-proletarian masses of the cities and countryside; they have also affected the petty bourgeoisie and non-monopoly bourgeois strata. Even the less dynamic strata, the traditional base of the bourgeois parties, have been mobilized given the current situation. The social base of the struggle against the bourgeoisie in Power and against imperialism has expanded, to the point where in some dependent countries the mobilization has taken the character of a movement of the whole nation, except for a handful of monopolists. The conditions are maturing for the working class and its revolutionary parties, as representatives and the vanguard of the nation, to decide to organize and advance the movement and the united front of the people.

But despite the great movement, the groups of international finance capital and the local monopoly bourgeoisies have not given in (except in the recent delay of the austerity measures in Portugal). They have decided to implement these measures even at the cost of demeaning the image of the parliaments and weakening their social base. However, the masses are realizing through their own experience the impossibility of repelling the attacks with one or two day strikes or through peaceful demonstrations. Sharper forms of struggle and unlimited general strike are beginning to be considered by the more advanced strata.

It is clear that the bourgeoisie in Power, with their hostile character towards the people, is assuming a position of national betrayal. The traditional parties of the bourgeoisie and parliaments have lost credibility and the mass support for those parties is weakening (especially toward those in government that are implementing austerity measures). The social basis of monopoly capital is weakening. Among the masses who have felt their national pride hurt by the imperialists, the discontent, anger and will to struggle against the major imperialist powers, beginning with the United States and Germany, against institutions like the IMF or the EU, and against the local monopoly bourgeoisie that is collaborating with them, is developing.

The trade union bureaucracy and reformist parties and social trends are following a backward line of “least resistance,” not only in their forms of organization and struggle, but also at the level of political demands and platform. Clearly, this attitude is contributing to weakening their influence among the workers. The attacks and harshness of the social conditions are also affecting the lower strata of the labor bureaucracy and aristocracy and are sharpening the contradictions within their ranks.

The struggles in the countries with “debt crisis” are being developed on a program of protest against the bourgeois governments and parties, against institutions such as the IMF and the EU that are imposing draconian measures and they are demanding their withdrawal. At first this was natural and understandable in the context of a spontaneous movement. But the inability to go beyond those narrow limits is one of the major weaknesses of the movement. This weakness can be overcome with the work of agitation that shows the masses the way out of this difficult situation in which the people and the country find themselves, denouncing the social forces that are an obstacle to that way out. This work of agitation is reinforced by putting forward appropriate demands, slogans and forms of struggle among the masses.

Especially in Greece, certain small groups (that also have weaknesses) have proposed relatively advanced demands and platforms. But the forces capable of influencing the movement are not even concerned with organizing the work necessary to promote the fight on all fronts. The absence or great weakness of a revolutionary class party, has been felt strongly, as it cannot influence the movement.

Linked to the evolution of the world economy, the period that is beginning will be one of further degradation of the living and working conditions for the workers and peoples, a period of intense economic and political attacks, of discontent, anger and militancy among workers, as well as sharpening of inter-imperialist contradictions and conflicts. We must draw lessons and conclusions from the recent developments and the historical experience of the working class and peoples; we must advance, renewing our work and reorganizing our parties.

Tunisia, November 2012

Source

Nikos Zachariadis: But for our internal misery do not blame only the foreigners…

But for our internal misery do not blame only the foreigners.The British find in our country obedient and loyal minions, who worked the same, so obedient and loyal, as to Germans and Italians. It is the traitor plutocracy which has not a patriotic and national belief and the sold to foreigners and bankrupted Greek politicians who do not currently offered to our country other than selling out, humiliations, debasements and destruction.

 – Rizospastis, 15.1.1946, From Speach of N. Zachariadis in Volos on 14-01-1946

Source

On the Day of American Independence

Today is the 4th of July, a holiday celebrated all over the nation as the date of American Independence from the British crown. I was considering burning an American flag to protest US foreign policy, imperial aggression, indigenous holocaust, sponsorship of terrorism, slavery and discrimination of minorities, etc., and promptly began wondering if flag-burning on public property is considered to be a fire hazard. Today is a holiday that is spent trying to spread patriotic feelings among our people, and thus in effect to try and goad them into flag-waving, chauvinism, jingoism and xenophobia. Patriotism, the way the imperialists see it, means love for their government and love for their class of oppressors. It means love for the police, the prison complex, the courts, the army and the ruling class dictatorship. It means love for the exploitive system of capitalism and the settler-fascists that have run it from the start.

On this celebrated day of the creation of the American state, it is time to take a look back at our long, star-crossed history, and it is time to present a challenge to ourselves—what has American really been about all this time? As Frederick Douglass famously said about this particular holiday in 1852:

“What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sound of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants brass fronted impudence; your shout of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanks-givings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy — a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour.

He continues,

“Go where you may, search where you will, roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the old world, travel through South America, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last, lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices of this nation, and you will say with me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns without a rival.”

There are those who might say that Douglass’s words no longer ring true because of the Obama presidency, and then there are those who know that a change in the ruler’s skin color does not abolish racism and oppression overnight. In addition, Major General Smedley Butler from the US Marines speaks about what real role the US military has been playing over the years:

“I spent 33 years and 4 months in active service as a member of our country’s most agile military force – the Marine Corps… And during that period, I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street, and for bankers. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism. I helped make Mexico and especially Tampico safe for American oil interests in 1914. I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place for the National City Bank boys to collect money in. I helped in the raping of a half a dozen Central American republics for the benefit of Wall Street… I helped purify Nicaragua for the international banking house of Brown Brothers in 1909-12. I brought light to the Dominican Republic for American sugar interests in 1916. I helped get Honduras “right” for American fruit companies in 1903. In China in 1927 I helped see to it that Standard Oil went its way unmolested. Looking back on it, I feel I might have given Al Capone a few hints. The best he could do was operate in three city districts. We Marines operated on three continents.”

These revelations are by no means new, since they have been given by many anti-imperialist and anti-colonialists since the beginning of the domination of American imperialism, which started after World War II and strengthened itself through the selling-out of the Soviet Union during the Cold War and the collapse of socialist Albania.

To give a more detailed or complete account of American foreign policy, which has always been driven by nothing more and nothing less than the capitalist system’s desire for global hegemony under American leadership, would take many pages and several lifetimes of research into the history of the modern-day Roman Empire. But this 4th of July, and keeping with our challenge to ourselves, a few examples taken from the recent history of the United States alone should serve to give an idea of what this class dictatorship has really been about since the beginnings of its foundation.


A History Lesson

In 1945, the US invades the Korean peninsula and declares a “temporary” partition of Korea. America installs an illegitimate American-friendly regime in the South, backed by a force of 50,000 troops. After 2,617 troop incursions in the Northern Pro-Soviet half, sometimes with as many as a few thousand troops, a war ensues when North Korea finally invades South Korea in response. A three-year war takes place and millions are killed. Thousands of American troops remain in South Korea to this day.

In 1966, a US-backed coup ousted President Sukarno of Indonesia and replaced him with the fascist butcher Suharto. Over a million people were hunted down and killed, including thousands of popular leftist leaders, whose names were given to the military by the American Embassy. Suharto would go on to rule Indonesia with an iron fist for decades. Newly-liberated East Timor was then invaded by Suharto’s Indonesia the day after President Ford and Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (both butchers of the Vietnam War) gave them permission. By 1989, over one-third of East Timor’s 700,000 people had been killed. Indonesia had US backing, including armaments, throughout its 24-year occupation.

In 1967, a US-backed military coup took place to prevent Greek politician George Papandreou being elected Prime Minister. The colonels declared martial law, implemented torture, beatings, arrests, leaving 8,000 dead in the first month. The coup leaders were fiercely anti-communist and pro-American, working closely with the CIA. The colonels held power until 1974.

In 1970, Marxist reformist Salvador Allende was elected as President of Chile. He nationalized the giant US companies. Soon, the right-wing, backed by the CIA and US foreign policy, engineered a 1973 coup lead by the infamous General Augusto Pinochet. Allende was overthrown and replaced by a fascist military dictatorship that used mass executions and torture. Thousands were murdered and disappeared. Chile became an economic experiment that led to economic growth for the richest while leaving many homeless and greatly decreasing economic equality.

In 1978 in Nicaragua, the popular and progressive Sandinista movement overthrows the US-backed dictator Anastasio Samoza. The US then launches a military occupation in order to prevent “another Cuba.” A program of terrorism and economic sabotage is begun, which leads to the US support of the infamous Contra death squads. The Contras prove to be one of the most brutal fighting forces Latin America has ever seen, infamous for burning down schools, churches and hospitals as well as using mass murder, rape and torture. The Contras massacre whole villages though to be sympathetic to the Sandinistas. Over 60,000 die. President Reagan labels them as “freedom fighters.”

Summation

From these examples alone—Korea, Indonesia, East Timor, Greece, Chile and Nicaragua, which are merely the most prominent of many dozens more ready-made examples including the Vietnam War—we can see that United States foreign policy has never been driven by a devotion to any kind of morality, nor by any kind of longing for freedom or democracy. From the start, the United States has been driven by the necessity to make the world safe for investment by capitalism, to enrich US armaments who contribute generously to Congress members, to prevent the development of any society which becomes an example of an independent alternative to the capitalist model and to extend its political and economic control over as much of the globe as possible.

Everyone alive today remembers the media immediately after the events of 9/11. “Why Do They Hate Us So Much?” the newspapers asked. Gee, I don’t know. Perhaps dropping bombs really pisses some “less civilized” people off. This is a simple list of the nations bombed since World War II:

China 1945-46, Korea 1950-53, China 1950-53, Guatemala 1954, Indonesia 1958, Cuba 1959-60, Guatemala 1960, Congo 1964, Peru 1965, Laos 1965-73, Vietnam 1961-73. Cambodia 1969-70, Guatemala 1967-69, Grenada 1983, Libya 1986, El Salvador 1980s, Nicaragua 1980s, Panama 1989, Iraq 1991-2002, Sudan 1998, Afghanistan 1998, Yugoslavia 1999, Afghanistan 2001 and Iraq 2003 (1).

It is worth noting that violence and exploitation are also not limited to outside the US borders, either. Of all western nations, the US has the greatest income inequality. 40% of the wealth is controlled by 1% of the population. The US has the greatest discrepancy in the world between the wealthy and the poor when it comes to health care, and also when it comes to life expectancy.

Finally, the Land of the Free has the highest number of its population in prison than any other state in the world (2). And all this is without mentioning the minute details of the oppressive structure of the class society as it exists for us every day. These sorts of atrocities will continue until this capitalist system is done away with through struggle and revolution in the US.

On the day of American Independence, among all other days, this is a fact for all of us to remember.

Sources

(1) Taken from Australian Options Quarterly No. 31, Summer 2002.

(2) From Scientific American, Dec. 2005

Source

Nikos Zahariadis: Tito Clique’s Stab in the Back to People’s Democratic Greece

From For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 15 (42), 1 August, 1949

Nikos Zahariadis
General Secretary,
Communist Party of Greece

Every inhabitant of Greece knows very well that monarcho-fascism would not have been able to hold out for a few months had it not been for the all-round and open aid of the American and British imperialists.

Our main difficulties arise from the fact that the Anglo-American imperialists are stubbornly trying to retain a foothold in Greece. The country is highly important to them for strategic reasons, and they are trying to turn it into a vital bridge head against the People’s Democracies and the Soviet Union. Churchill’s old plans in this respect, for instance, are well-known. However, foreign imperialism’s positions in Greece were badly shaken last year by the military defeat of monarcho-fascism in the Grammos-Vitsi area and by the collapse of its strategic plan for 1948. The People’s revolutionary movement and the democratic army extended and consolidated their positions in Peloponnesus, Rumelia, Thessaly and on the islands of Samos and Eubeia.

This placed the monarcho-fascist regime in a critical position. In their reports General Papagos, Vendiris, Tsakalotos and others openly admitted that army morale had been shaken. Hundreds of men and officers were shot. King Paul himself was compelled to speak about the moral crisis in the army. The Athens clique was in severe economic difficulties and the political crisis was steadily sapping the foundations of monarcho-fascism. Both at home and abroad, people who were by no means our friends began to realise that the only way out for the reactionaries was to reach a peaceful settlement and conclude an agreement.

The treachery of the Tito clique was disclosed at the very moment when the crisis of monarcho-fascism was coming to a head. Tito’s treachery meant serious new difficulties for our people’s democratic movement, for it strengthened the determination of the Anglo-American imperialists to retain, at all costs, their hold on Greece for the very purpose of making full use of the Tito clique and extending their base in the Balkans. At the same time the Tito clique’s over to the camp of imperialism raised the deflated hopes of monarcho-fascism.

The people’s democratic movement of our country has never, since the time of the first occupation, known of such a cunning and foul enemy as the Tito clique. The Great Serbia chauvinism of the Titoites in relation to the resistance movement in Greece was evident as far back as 1943, when the leadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party declared that the people of Aegean Macedonia could only win their liberation within the framework of Yugoslavia. The corollary of this was that it was the prime duty of all Macedonian patriots to fight against the Communist Party of Greece and EAM and instead to collaborate with the Tito agents.

This was the directive followed by Tito’s man in Aegean Macedonia, Tempo (Vukmanovic). This was the directive applied in practice by their chief agent, Goce. Today is it being carried out by Goce-Koramidjiev gang. During all these years the Tito clique sent thousands of its agents into the Communist Party of Greece and into EAM with the job of undermining the Communist Party of Greece and splitting the unity of the people’s liberation movement.

It is clear that Greek reaction and Anglo-American imperialism could not have found a better ally than the Tito clique. The following detail is extremely characteristic: in October 1944 when the British landed in Greece, Tempo at the head of the provocative movement against the Communist Party of Greece, informed the Communists of Aegean Macedonia that he has asked Tito for two divisions to occupy Salonika. This was before the December events; the British were not sure that they could hold Greece. Preferring to see Salonika occupied by Tito than in the hands of ELAS, the British parachuted weapons onto the aerodrome at Grupista. These were sent on to Vapsori by Tito’s agents – Tempo, Goce and Pios – to be used against ELAS. Even during the Hitler occupation Goce and Pios formed groups of Macedonian and collaborated with Tempo. It can be regarded as an established fact that, as a consequence, Evans, former representative of the British military mission in Macedonia, insisted on the network of these groups being extended. It was at the help of these groups that Goce, Pios and Keramidjiev carried out their disruptive activities against the people’s liberation movement in Greece.

In December 1944 Tito, who dreamt of snatching Salonika from people’s democratic Greece, did nothing to help us fight the British, in spite of all his earlier pompous statements. If anything, he stepped up his slander campaign against the Communist Party of Greece, especially Aegean Macedonia.

Tito organised the mass emigration of Macedonians to Yugoslavia thus depriving Aegean Macedonia of its Macedonian population. Incidentally, the Greek monarcho-fascists have been trying to the same thing for many years, hoping to change the ethnical composition Aegean Macedonia. Then again, the Titoites are trying to recruit agents from these refugees who, after the necessary training, are sent to Greece to operate against the Communist Party of Greece, EAM and our people’s revolutionary movement.

Since 1943 the Greek Communist Party and revolutionary movement have been two fires: on the one side the foreign imperialists and monarcho-fascist, on the other- the Tito clique and its executive organ, the Goce- Keramidiev gang which had and still has hundreds of Yugoslav intelligence servicemen in Aegean Macedonia. In 1944, acting on orders from Skopje, Goce crossed over to Yugoslavia with his detachment. Today Goce and Keramidjiev have their headquarters in Skopje.

Time and again the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece drew the attention of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party to the counter-revolutionary actions of these agents, proved by irrefutable documentary evidence, and demanded that their activities should be stopped. The Central Committee of the Yugoslav Party, however, did not do a thing to cut short these provocation actions.

It has been proved beyond doubt that Hristos Vlachos, who in 1947 in Salonika killed Yannis Zevgos, a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Greek Party, was an agent of the Yugoslav intelligence, service and had received his instruction from Skopje. He arrived in Salonika on orders of the Yugoslav intelligence, placed himself at the disposal of General Zervas, an agent of the British Intelligence Service, and later murdered Zevgos. Five monarcho-fascist officers, some of them murderers of the people, escaped to Yugoslavia from a war prisoner’s camp with the help of Rankovic. The Central committee of the Yugoslav Party stated that it knew absolutely nothing about this, even though we gave them details of the date and the exact spot where the monarcho-fascists had crossed the border. Border officers and soldiers had informed us that the monarcho-fascists had crossed into Yugoslavia.

We have captured dozens of Yugoslav intelligence officers. In December 1948 two Yugoslav agents, Gunaris Menos and Gallios Mitsos, were detained in Prespa. These agents disclosed the names of the Yugoslav intelligence officers who had sent them and the assignment they had been given.

The Communist Party of Greece has at its disposal other damning proof of the treachery and disruptive activity of the Tito clique against the revolutionary movement in Greece. The nationalist gang of the treacherous Yugoslav leadership was always a mortal enemy to the Communist Party and people of Greece. Recent events are fresh evidence that the Tito clique helped and is continuing to help Greek and international reaction against the Greek people more and more openly.

In its communiqué of July 6, 1949 the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army stated that on July 5, 1949 monarcho-fascist troops used Yugoslav territory in order to bypass units of the Democratic Army in the Kaimakchalan area. The same day the “Free Greece” telegraph agency, basing itself on an official document (the report of lieutenant colonel Petropulos, commander of the monarcho-fascists’ 516th battalion, to General Grigoropulos, commander of the 3rd army corps), reported that on July 4, 1949, that is, on the eve of the day when the monarcho-fascists crossed Yugoslav territory, a meeting of Yugoslav and monarcho-fascist Greek officers had been held in the area of Popovolossi and Kaimakchalan. This meeting was attended by British and American officers. The Tanjug agency did not refute this fact, neither did the representative of the British Foreign Office when asked about this meeting. Again, neither did Tito deny it in his speech at Pola (Istria), on July 10, 1949. Like the Tanjug agency, he merely tried to refute the fact that an agreement had been reached allowing the monarcho-fascist to use Yugoslav territory.

Such was the Belgrade version when the United Nations Balkan Commission in Athens published its communiqué on July 21, 1949. The sole aim of this communiqué was to cover up Tito’s collaboration with the monarcho-fascists, a collaboration that had been laid bare by the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army and the Free Greece radio on July 6, 1949. This communiqué of the Balkan Commission is highly significant since, to begin with, for the first time in its history the Commission admitted that the monarcho-fascists had violated the Yugoslav frontier in the Kaimakchalan area on many occasions. It claimed, however, that this had been done by artillery and aircraft and not by infantry. Secondly, the communiqué admitted that a meeting of monarcho-fascist and Yugoslav officers had been held in the Kaimakchalan area.

After the Tito clique’s betrayal of the Greek people’s liberation struggle had been exposed in the eyes of progressive mankind and the Yugoslav people, the Yugoslav leaders found it necessary to mobilise yet another provocateur. On July 24, following the example of Tito and Djilas, Kardelj also made a statement to Tanjug on the Greek question. He denied everything: the agreement with Tsaldaris, the negotiations in the Kaimakchalan area, and the use of Yugoslav territory by the monarcho-fascists. He concluded by giving the Jesuit assurance that the Belgrade Government “continues to sympathise” with the movement of the Greek people, but that it “cannot force its assistance on them” and that “the agents of the Information Bureau who slandered Tito” are responsible for this.

We have never doubted the sympathy of the Yugoslav people. As for those who are responsible, “The Times” makes it clear when it writes that in his statement at Pola, Tito gave the Americans the necessary guarantees in advance for the dollars which he needs.

In order to mask their treachery, the traitors Tito, Djilas, Kardelj and company would have the world believe that morale of the Greek democrats is at a low ebb and that they are losing confidence in victory. As a matter of fact these Titoites are doing everything to undermine the morale of the Greek democrats. Tito’s treachery and his long-standing subversive activities against the people’s democratic movement in Greece are causing us serious difficulties. Tito has a deadly hatred for the Geek people’s liberation movement and is viciously fighting against it. But he is mistaken, and so are his monarcho-fascist allies and their common masters, if they think that they will be able to crush us.

Throughout Greece – in Rumelia, Thessaly, Peloponnesus, Epirus, Macedonia, Thrace and on the islands – the Greek Democratic Army is continuing its struggle against the enemy with unshaken courage in the face of enormous difficulties. A broad strike movement covering tens of thousands of factory and office workers is gaining strength in the cities. Hundreds of thousands of peasants who are literally starving to death in the cities where they have been forcibly driven by the monarcho-fascists, hate the Athens Government with all their soul. Reaction in Greece is in the throes of an economic, political and moral crisis from which it can find no way out. The Greek Democratic Army will come face to face with monarcho-fascism in the great battles that will be fought in Grammos and Vitsi.

We are fight because we want peace, because we want to establish democracy and the independence of Greece. Reaction is out for war. It wants to crush us at all costs and is using the Tito clique for this purpose. Thanks to the assistance and solidarity of progressive mankind, including the Yugoslav people, the people of Greece will be victorious both in war and will win a people’s democracy and national independence.

Source

Why Yugoslavia Was Expelled from the Cominform

Below is a commonly-reprinted argument, the idea that the Titoites broke with the USSR over the question of not helping the Greek Communists enough.

Is this true? Not according to Nikos Zahariadis, General Secretary of the KKE and the symbol of Marxism-Leninism in Greece. This Yugoslav-leaning article will be followed by his essay.

— Espresso Stalinist.

Jun 28, 1948:
Yugoslavia expelled from COMINFORM

The Soviet Union expels Yugoslavia from the Communist Information Bureau (COMINFORM) for the latter’s position on the Greek civil war. The expulsion was concrete evidence of the permanent split that had taken place between Russia and Yugoslavia.

The Soviet Union had established COMINFORM in 1947 to serve as a coordinating body for communist parties in Russia, Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Italy, France, Czechoslovakia, Romania, and Yugoslavia. Most Western observers believed the organization to be the successor to the Communist International (COMINTERN had been dissolved by Russia in 1943, in an effort to placate its wartime allies–the United States and Great Britain). With the hardening of Cold War animosities after World War II, however, the establishment of COMINFORM signaled that the Soviet Union was once again setting itself up as the official leader of the communist bloc nations. In addition, the inclusion of the Italian and French communist parties served notice that the Soviet Union wished to have a strong say in political developments outside of its eastern European satellites. Yugoslavia was an original member, but that nation’s leader, Josef Broz Tito, proved to be reluctant in following the Soviet line. Throughout 1947 and into 1948, Tito harshly criticized Soviet leader Joseph Stalin’s lack of assistance to communists fighting for power in Greece. When Tito refused to tone down his complaints, Stalin ordered Yugoslavia expelled from COMINFORM.

After its expulsion, Yugoslavia continued to chart a communist, but distinctly independent, pathway in its domestic and foreign policies. The United States was delighted with the Soviet-Yugoslavia split, and actively courted Tito with economic and military aid in the late-1940s and 1950s. [...]

Source

Tito Clique’s Stab in the Back to People’s Democratic Greece

Nikos Zahariadis
General Secretary,
Communist Party of Greece

From For a Lasting Peace, For a People’s Democracy!
No. 15 (42), 1 August, 1949

Every inhabitant of Greece knows very well that monarcho-fascism would not have been able to hold out for a few months had it not been for the all-round and open aid of the American and British imperialists.

Our main difficulties arise from the fact that the Anglo-American imperialists are stubbornly trying to retain a foothold in Greece. The country is highly important to them for strategic reasons, and they are trying to turn it into a vital bridge head against the People’s Democracies and the Soviet Union. Churchill’s old plans in this respect, for instance, are well-known. However, foreign imperialism’s positions in Greece were badly shaken last year by the military defeat of monarcho-fascism in the Grammos-Vitsi area and by the collapse of its strategic plan for 1948. The People’s revolutionary movement and the democratic army extended and consolidated their positions in Peloponnesus, Rumelia, Thessaly and on the islands of Samos and Eubeia.

This placed the monarcho-fascist regime in a critical position. In their reports General Papagos, Vendiris, Tsakalotos and others openly admitted that army morale had been shaken. Hundreds of men and officers were shot. King Paul himself was compelled to speak about the moral crisis in the army. The Athens clique was in severe economic difficulties and the political crisis was steadily sapping the foundations of monarcho-fascism. Both at home and abroad, people who were by no means our friends began to realise that the only way out for the reactionaries was to reach a peaceful settlement and conclude an agreement.

The treachery of the Tito clique was disclosed at the very moment when the crisis of monarcho-fascism was coming to a head. Tito’s treachery meant serious new difficulties for our people’s democratic movement, for it strengthened the determination of the Anglo-American imperialists to retain, at all costs, their hold on Greece for the very purpose of making full use of the Tito clique and extending their base in the Balkans. At the same time the Tito clique’s over to the camp of imperialism raised the deflated hopes of monarcho-fascism.

The people’s democratic movement of our country has never, since the time of the first occupation, known of such a cunning and foul enemy as the Tito clique. The Great Serbia chauvinism of the Titoites in relation to the resistance movement in Greece was evident as far back as 1943, when the leadership of the Yugoslav Communist Party declared that the people of Aegean Macedonia could only win their liberation within the framework of Yugoslavia. The corollary of this was that it was the prime duty of all Macedonian patriots to fight against the Communist Party of Greece and EAM and instead to collaborate with the Tito agents.

This was the directive followed by Tito’s man in Aegean Macedonia, Tempo (Vukmanovic). This was the directive applied in practice by their chief agent, Goce. Today is it being carried out by Goce-Koramidjiev gang. During all these years the Tito clique sent thousands of its agents into the Communist Party of Greece and into EAM with the job of undermining the Communist Party of Greece and splitting the unity of the people’s liberation movement.

It is clear that Greek reaction and Anglo-American imperialism could not have found a better ally than the Tito clique. The following detail is extremely characteristic: in October 1944 when the British landed in Greece, Tempo at the head of the provocative movement against the Communist Party of Greece, informed the Communists of Aegean Macedonia that he has asked Tito for two divisions to occupy Salonika. This was before the December events; the British were not sure that they could hold Greece. Preferring to see Salonika occupied by Tito than in the hands of ELAS, the British parachuted weapons onto the aerodrome at Grupista. These were sent on to Vapsori by Tito’s agents – Tempo, Goce and Pios – to be used against ELAS. Even during the Hitler occupation Goce and Pios formed groups of Macedonian and collaborated with Tempo. It can be regarded as an established fact that, as a consequence, Evans, former representative of the British military mission in Macedonia, insisted on the network of these groups being extended. It was at the help of these groups that Goce, Pios and Keramidjiev carried out their disruptive activities against the people’s liberation movement in Greece.

In December 1944 Tito, who dreamt of snatching Salonika from people’s democratic Greece, did nothing to help us fight the British, in spite of all his earlier pompous statements. If anything, he stepped up his slander campaign against the Communist Party of Greece, especially Aegean Macedonia.

Tito organised the mass emigration of Macedonians to Yugoslavia thus depriving Aegean Macedonia of its Macedonian population. Incidentally, the Greek monarcho-fascists have been trying to the same thing for many years, hoping to change the ethnical composition Aegean Macedonia. Then again, the Titoites are trying to recruit agents from these refugees who, after the necessary training, are sent to Greece to operate against the Communist Party of Greece, EAM and our people’s revolutionary movement.

Since 1943 the Greek Communist Party and revolutionary movement have been two fires: on the one side the foreign imperialists and monarcho-fascist, on the other- the Tito clique and its executive organ, the Goce- Keramidiev gang which had and still has hundreds of Yugoslav intelligence servicemen in Aegean Macedonia. In 1944, acting on orders from Skopje, Goce crossed over to Yugoslavia with his detachment. Today Goce and Keramidjiev have their headquarters in Skopje.

Time and again the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Greece drew the attention of the Central Committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party to the counter-revolutionary actions of these agents, proved by irrefutable documentary evidence, and demanded that their activities should be stopped. The Central Committee of the Yugoslav Party, however, did not do a thing to cut short these provocation actions.

It has been proved beyond doubt that Hristos Vlachos, who in 1947 in Salonika killed Yannis Zevgos, a member of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Greek Party, was an agent of the Yugoslav intelligence, service and had received his instruction from Skopje. He arrived in Salonika on orders of the Yugoslav intelligence, placed himself at the disposal of General Zervas, an agent of the British Intelligence Service, and later murdered Zevgos. Five monarcho-fascist officers, some of them murderers of the people, escaped to Yugoslavia from a war prisoner’s camp with the help of Rankovic. The Central committee of the Yugoslav Party stated that it knew absolutely nothing about this, even though we gave them details of the date and the exact spot where the monarcho-fascists had crossed the border. Border officers and soldiers had informed us that the monarcho-fascists had crossed into Yugoslavia.

We have captured dozens of Yugoslav intelligence officers. In December 1948 two Yugoslav agents, Gunaris Menos and Gallios Mitsos, were detained in Prespa. These agents disclosed the names of the Yugoslav intelligence officers who had sent them and the assignment they had been given.

The Communist Party of Greece has at its disposal other damning proof of the treachery and disruptive activity of the Tito clique against the revolutionary movement in Greece. The nationalist gang of the treacherous Yugoslav leadership was always a mortal enemy to the Communist Party and people of Greece. Recent events are fresh evidence that the Tito clique helped and is continuing to help Greek and international reaction against the Greek people more and more openly.

In its communiqué of July 6, 1949 the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army stated that on July 5, 1949 monarcho-fascist troops used Yugoslav territory in order to bypass units of the Democratic Army in the Kaimakchalan area. The same day the “Free Greece” telegraph agency, basing itself on an official document (the report of lieutenant colonel Petropulos, commander of the monarcho-fascists’ 516th battalion, to General Grigoropulos, commander of the 3rd army corps), reported that on July 4, 1949, that is, on the eve of the day when the monarcho-fascists crossed Yugoslav territory, a meeting of Yugoslav and monarcho-fascist Greek officers had been held in the area of Popovolossi and Kaimakchalan. This meeting was attended by British and American officers. The Tanjug agency did not refute this fact, neither did the representative of the British Foreign Office when asked about this meeting. Again, neither did Tito deny it in his speech at Pola (Istria), on July 10, 1949. Like the Tanjug agency, he merely tried to refute the fact that an agreement had been reached allowing the monarcho-fascist to use Yugoslav territory.

Such was the Belgrade version when the United Nations Balkan Commission in Athens published its communiqué on July 21, 1949. The sole aim of this communiqué was to cover up Tito’s collaboration with the monarcho-fascists, a collaboration that had been laid bare by the General Headquarters of the Democratic Army and the Free Greece radio on July 6, 1949. This communiqué of the Balkan Commission is highly significant since, to begin with, for the first time in its history the Commission admitted that the monarcho-fascists had violated the Yugoslav frontier in the Kaimakchalan area on many occasions. It claimed, however, that this had been done by artillery and aircraft and not by infantry. Secondly, the communiqué admitted that a meeting of monarcho-fascist and Yugoslav officers had been held in the Kaimakchalan area.

After the Tito clique’s betrayal of the Greek people’s liberation struggle had been exposed in the eyes of progressive mankind and the Yugoslav people, the Yugoslav leaders found it necessary to mobilise yet another provocateur. On July 24, following the example of Tito and Djilas, Kardelj also made a statement to Tanjug on the Greek question. He denied everything: the agreement with Tsaldaris, the negotiations in the Kaimakchalan area, and the use of Yugoslav territory by the monarcho-fascists. He concluded by giving the Jesuit assurance that the Belgrade Government “continues to sympathise” with the movement of the Greek people, but that it “cannot force its assistance on them” and that “the agents of the Information Bureau who slandered Tito” are responsible for this.

We have never doubted the sympathy of the Yugoslav people. As for those who are responsible, “The Times” makes it clear when it writes that in his statement at Pola, Tito gave the Americans the necessary guarantees in advance for the dollars which he needs.

In order to mask their treachery, the traitors Tito, Djilas, Kardelj and company would have the world believe that morale of the Greek democrats is at a low ebb and that they are losing confidence in victory. As a matter of fact these Titoites are doing everything to undermine the morale of the Greek democrats. Tito’s treachery and his long-standing subversive activities against the people’s democratic movement in Greece are causing us serious difficulties. Tito has a deadly hatred for the Geek people’s liberation movement and is viciously fighting against it. But he is mistaken, and so are his monarcho-fascist allies and their common masters, if they think that they will be able to crush us.

Throughout Greece – in Rumelia, Thessaly, Peloponnesus, Epirus, Macedonia, Thrace and on the islands – the Greek Democratic Army is continuing its struggle against the enemy with unshaken courage in the face of enormous difficulties. A broad strike movement covering tens of thousands of factory and office workers is gaining strength in the cities. Hundreds of thousands of peasants who are literally starving to death in the cities where they have been forcibly driven by the monarcho-fascists, hate the Athens Government with all their soul. Reaction in Greece is in the throes of an economic, political and moral crisis from which it can find no way out. The Greek Democratic Army will come face to face with monarcho-fascism in the great battles that will be fought in Grammos and Vitsi.

We are fight because we want peace, because we want to establish democracy and the independence of Greece. Reaction is out for war. It wants to crush us at all costs and is using the Tito clique for this purpose. Thanks to the assistance and solidarity of progressive mankind, including the Yugoslav people, the people of Greece will be victorious both in war and will win a people’s democracy and national independence.

Source

Liberal Holocaust: Imperialism and the Democratic Party

This is a good article from a website that is now down. I disagree with several parts, particularly the labeling of North Korea as a “Stalinist dictatorship,” referring to the Soviet Union as an “empire,” saying that Titoite Yugoslavia was a “Leninist revolution” and denying the genocidal actions of the Milošević government. Regardless, this article makes a very important point about the Democratic Party, and exposes their true imperialist warmongering nature.

 – Espresso Stalinist 

Many people involved in US anti-war movement(s) have this naive belief that Democrats are not imperialists, that US imperialist policies, such as those pursued by the Bush administration, are just a recent deviation or limited to Republican administrations. In fact, the Democratic Party has a long and bloody history of imperialism. Democrats are imperialists and mass murderers. Nor is this limited to the more conservative democrats; left-liberals have done the same. Liberal governments have slaughtered millions.

Starting shortly before the end of World War Two, Democrats began recruiting many Nazi war criminals and using them to help expand the American Empire. Hitler’s intelligence chief in East Europe Reinhard Gehlen was used by the US, after the war, to build an intelligence network against the Soviets in East Europe. They also dropped supplies to remnants of Hitler’s armies operating in Eastern Europe, to harass the Soviet bloc. Other Nazi war criminals employed by the US included Klaus Barbie, Otto von Bolschwing and Otto Skorzeny. Some of these Nazis later made their way to Latin America, where they advised and assisted US-backed dictatorships in the area.

Harry Truman kicked up anti-communist hysteria, which lead to McCarthyism (which occurred during his administration) and helped start the Cold War. He supported numerous dictatorships, including Saudi Arabia. US involvement in Vietnam started under Truman with the US providing support for the French invaders and the CIA carrying out covert actions. In 1950 his administration issued the ultra-hawkish NSC 68. The subversion of Italian democracy was done by his administration – fearing electoral victory in 1948 by the Italian Communist party, the CIA funded various leftover Mussolinite Brownshirt thugs and other former Nazi collaborators, successfully manipulating the results to ensure pro-US candidates won. A secret paramilitary army was formed to overthrow the government just in case the Communists managed to win anyway.

In the years after World War Two a rebellion against the British puppet government in Greece broke out. This client state was largely staffed by former Nazi collaborators who the British had put back in power. The UK was unable to defeat the left-wing insurgency (which had previously fought an insurgency against the Nazi occupation during World War Two) and asked the US for help. In 1947 Truman invaded Greece and proceeded to crush the revolutionaries, keeping the former Nazi collaborators in power. Truman attempted to justify this by portraying the guerillas as mere pawns of Moscow and therefore a form of covert aggression, but he had no real proof of this. The claim is also based on a double standard: when the USSR (allegedly) covertly supports revolutionaries in another country it constitutes “aggression” and is wrong, but when the US (or UK) send actual military forces to another country in order to prop up unpopular dictatorships this is somehow perfectly just.

At the end of World War Two Japan withdrew its forces from Korea, resulting in a brief period of self-rule. A provisional government was set up in Seoul, but it had little power. Across Korea, workers took over their factories and peasants took over their land. Self-managed collectives were organized. This did not last long, as the US and USSR quickly partitioned the country into a North and a South, under the occupation of each power. In the south Truman installed a brutal military dictatorship, run mainly by former Japanese collaborators, complete with death squads, torture chambers and suppression of all opposition. The United States and its client state suppressed an insurgency, leveled whole villages and massacred thousands of innocent Koreans. The Soviets followed a similar policy in the north, where a Stalinist dictatorship was imposed. Forces from each empire repeatedly clashed until war broke out in 1950. Truman & his propagandists tried to portray the war as an attempt to defend South Korea from Soviet/Northern aggression, but the very existence of South & North Korea was the result of aggression by the US & USSR. The Korean War was an inter-imperialist war between rival empires fighting for territory, rather like a turf war between rival mafia dons, in which lots of ordinary people (who had no real stake in the war) were sent to die for their elite.

These policies of mass murder continued in both the subsequent Eisenhower administration and the next democratic administration, Kennedy. Like every other president since World War Two (and many prior to that) he supported numerous puppet dictatorships that slaughtered thousands – Mobutu, the Shah, etc. Kennedy backed a coup against the democratically elected government in the Dominican Republic because it was too independent. And lets not forget the Bay of Pigs and the many terrorist campaigns against Cuba.

Kennedy also escalated US involvement in Vietnam. During Eisenhower’s term the Vietnamese defeated US-backed French invaders and the war with France was brought to an end. The country was partitioned in two, with the Vietnamese nationalists/Communists taking over the north and the French puppet government temporarily ruling the south. Elections were to be held to reunite the two, but the US intervened to prevent this (because the Communists would have won free elections) and put in power a right-wing dictatorship headed by Ngo Dinh Diem which relied on a reign of terror in order to stay in power. In the late ’50s popular rebellions erupted against this dictatorship. By the time Kennedy came to power the survival of Diem’s dictatorship was increasingly precarious and so Kennedy escalated the situation from state terror to outright aggression. The US military, mainly the air force, was sent to crush the resistance. This failed to defeat the resistance, so Johnson fabricated a bogus attack on US destroyers by North Vietnamese forces and used this as an excuse to escalate the war, launching a full-fledged ground invasion of the south and began bombing the north. US forces set up concentration camps (called “strategic hamlets”) and committed numerous atrocities during the war. Even John Kerry testified:

“Several months ago in Detroit we had an investigation at which over 150 honorably discharged, and many very highly decorated, veterans testified to war crimes committed in Southeast Asia. These were not isolated incidents but crimes committed on a day-to-day basis with the full awareness of officers at all levels of command. … They relived the absolute horror of what this country, in a sense, made them do. They told stories that at times they had personally raped, cut off ears, cut off heads, taped wires from portable telephones to human genitals and turned up the power, cut off limbs, blown up bodies, randomly shot at civilians, razed villages in fashion reminiscent of Ghengis Khan, shot cattle and dogs for fun, poisoned food stocks, and generally ravaged the countryside of South Vietnam in addition to the normal ravage of war and the normal and very particular ravaging which is done by the applied bombing power of this country. … We rationalized destroying villages in order to save them. … We learned the meaning of free fire zones, shooting anything that moves, and we watched while America placed a cheapness on the lives of orientals. … We fought using weapons against those people which I do not believe this country would dream of using were we fighting in the European theater.”

Kerry has since claimed that Vietnam was an exception to the norm, but the evidence presented in this article shows otherwise. This testimony is corroborated by numerous other primary sources, including many Vietnam veterans. Colin Powell admitted these atrocities occurred and defended them, writing in his memoirs (My American Journey):

“If a helo [helicopter] spotted a peasant in black pajamas who looked remotely suspicious, a possible MAM [military-aged male], the pilot would circle and fire in front of him. If he moved, his movement was judged evidence of hostile intent, and the next burst was not in front, but at him. Brutal? Maybe so. But an able battalion commander with whom I had served at Gelnhausen, Lt. Col. Walter Pritchard, was killed by enemy sniper fire while observing MAMs from a helicopter. And Pritchard was only one of many. The kill-or-be-killed nature of combat tends to dull fine perceptions of right and wrong.”

In addition, Powell defends the torching of civilians’ huts in his memoirs. There are also many Vietnam veterans who strongly deny that the United States committed any kind of atrocities or wrongdoing in Vietnam at all, but they are not the first murderers to strongly deny murdering anyone. These are the kinds of atrocities the Democrat’s foreign policy leads to.

Democrats (and Republicans) tried to portray the war as a result of Chinese (or even Soviet) aggression that had to be stopped or else it would cause a “domino effect” leading to “Communist” conquest of the globe. This is shear fantasy.

Vietnam became independent in 1945 and for a brief period of time the whole country was united under the rule of Ho Chi Min and his fellow nationalists and Marxists. Then France invaded, with US support, leading to the creation of “South Vietnam,” which was a foreign puppet from day one. Attacks on it by Vietnamese were no more “aggression” than attacks on the Vichy government by the French resistance. Communists in China didn’t come to power until 1948, whereas Vietnam declared independence in 1945, so portraying the war as “Chinese aggression” is particularly absurd. Eventually, China did provide weapons, money and advisors to Vietnam (as did the USSR), but merely giving supplies to people fighting for independence hardly constitutes “aggression.” If China giving some weapons and supplies to a Vietnamese movement with substantial popular support constitutes “aggression” then what are we to make of the US, which went well beyond sending weapons and sent over 100,000 troops to keep in power a deeply unpopular puppet government? By this kind of logic, the American war for independence constituted French aggression because France gave the rebels support, just as China & Russia gave the Vietnamese support, except France went even further and sent warships to fight the British and help the US win the war. The Vietnam War was a brutal colonial war, started mainly by democrats, against a people struggling for national liberation.

Even if we ignore Vietnam, Johnson was still a murderous warmonger. In 1965 Johnson launched a secret war on Laos, which would eventually drop more bombs on it then were dropped during World War Two, in order to defeat the leftist Pathet Lao. When a popular rebellion erupted against the US-backed dictatorship in the Dominican Republic, LBJ invaded and defeated it, keeping a US puppet government in power. In Brazil LBJ supported and encouraged a fascist coup against the mildly reformist Goulart administration. Johnson also backed a right-wing coup in Indonesia. The previous ruler, Sukarno, committed the crime of trying to stay neutral in the cold war and desiring to build a strong Indonesia independent of foreign powers. So he was removed and general Suharto seized power. The US helped Suharto liquidate dissent and gave him lists of “subversives” to kill. Between 500,000 and a million people were massacred by Suharto in the period following the coup, with the covert help of the Johnson administration. When the Greek ambassador objected to the President’s plan for a resolving a dispute over Cyprus LBJ told him:

“Fuck your Parliament and your Constitution. America is an elephant. Cyprus is a flea. If these two fleas continue itching the elephant, they may just get whacked by the elephant’s trunk, whacked good. … We pay a lot of good American dollars to the Greeks, Mr. Ambassador. If your Prime Minister gives me talk about Democracy, Parliament and Constitutions, he, his Parliament and his Constitution may not last very long.”

In 1965 the Greek king, aided by the CIA, removed Prime Minister George Papandreou (who’s foreign policy was too independent for Washington) from power. In 1967 the Greek government was forced to finally hold elections again, but when it looked like George Papandreou was going to win again a military coup prevented him from coming to power. George Papadopoulos, leader of the coup and head of the new military dictatorship, had been on the CIA payroll for 15 years and was a Nazi collaborator during World War Two.

Carter, the so-called “human rights” president, was also an imperialist warmonger. He continued US support for brutal tyrants in Argentina, El Salvador, Guatemala, etc. Carter supported Pol Pot’s forces after they were thrown out of power due to a war with Vietnam. Under Ford Indonesia invaded East Timor and proceeded to slaughter 200,000 people. Although this invasion occurred under Ford, the worst atrocities happened under Carter’s reign. As atrocities increased, he increased the flow of weapons to the Indonesian government, insuring they wouldn’t run out and could continue massacring Timorese. Carter also backed the massacre in Kwangju by the South Korean military dictatorship. Many of the things which liberals like to blame Reagan for were actually started under Carter. Deregulation began under Carter, as did US support for the Contras in Nicaragua. Six months before the Soviets invaded he also initiated US support for the Islamic fundamentalist terrorists/”freedom fighters” in Afghanistan which would later include Bin Laden.

Bill Clinton was a mass murderer and war criminal, too. He backed numerous dictatorships, continued the proxy war against Marxist guerillas in Columbia and bombed more countries than any other peacetime president, including Iraq, Yugoslavia, Sudan, Somalia and Afghanistan.

Clinton laid siege to Iraq with sanctions, “no fly zones” and bombings, killing 1.5 to 3 million people. UN-approved sanctions on Iraq were originally imposed at the start of the Gulf War in response to the invasion of Kuwait, but continued after the end of the war at US (and UK) insistence. The United States used sanctions as a weapon against Iraq. One military intelligence document titled Iraq Water Treatment Vulnerabilities noted:

“Iraq depends on importing-specialized equipment-and some chemicals to purify its water supply … With no domestic sources of both water treatment replacement parts and some essential chemicals, Iraq will continue attempts to circumvent United Nations sanctions to import these vital commodities. … Failing to secure supplies will result in a shortage of pure drinking water for much of the population. This could lead to increased incidences, if not epidemics, of disease and to certain pure-water-dependent industries becoming incapacitated, including petrochemicals, fertilizers, petroleum refining, electronics, pharmaceuticals, food processing, textiles, concrete construction, and thermal power plants. Iraq’s overall water treatment capability will suffer a slow decline, rather than a precipitous halt … Unless water treatment supplies are exempted from the UN sanctions for humanitarian reasons, no adequate solution exists for Iraq’s water purification dilemma, since no suitable alternatives … sufficiently meet Iraqi needs. … Unless the water is purified with chlorine epidemics of such diseases as Cholera, Hepatitis, and Typhoid could occur … Iraq could try convincing the United Nations or individual countries to exempt water treatment supplies from sanctions for humanitarian reasons. It probably also is attempting to purchase supplies by using some sympathetic countries as fronts. If such attempts fail, Iraqi alternatives are not adequate for their national requirements. … Some affluent Iraqis could obtain their own minimally adequate supply of good quality water from northern Iraqi sources. If boiled, the water could be safely consumed. Poorer Iraqis and industries requiring large quantities of pure water would not be able to meet their needs. … Alternatives are not adequate for their national requirements.”

This and other documents show that the United States intentionally used sanctions to destroy Iraq’s water supply with full knowledge of the consequences. In addition to water problems, the sanctions also interfered with the importation of basic necessities like food and medicine. The UN itself, the organization that implemented the sanctions (due to US/UK insistence), reported that they resulted in mass death. UNICEF found that on average 5,000 children died every month as a result of sanctions. The U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) reported in 1995 that 567,000 children in Iraq had died as a result of the sanctions. Those sanctions continued until the invasion in 2003, killing even more. This began under the first Bush administration, but most of it occurred under Clinton’s administration.

In 1996, faced with mounting humanitarian concerns that threatened to end the sanctions, an “oil for food” program was implemented. Officially, this was supposed to allow Iraq to import a limited amount of food and supplies in exchange for limited amounts of oil but in practice it did little to alleviate the suffering of Iraqis caused by the sanctions. Everything imported by Iraq had to be approved by a UN sanctions committee that, due to US/UK influence, frequently stopped or delayed importation of needed supplies. All money Iraq made from the sale of oil was kept by the UN in an escrow account with the bank of Paris and was not at the discretion of the Iraqi government. Some of this was used to pay for administrative costs related to the sanctions and about a third were used to pay reparations to Kuwait, the remainder was inadequate for Iraq’s needs. In 1998 Dennis Halliday, the first head of the UN’s “oil for food” program resigned because the sanctions continued to result in a humanitarian catastrophe. In 2000 Hans Von Sponeck, the new head of the “oil for food” program, resigned for the same reason. On the May 12, 1996 edition of “60 minutes” journalist Lesly Stahl asked Madeleine Albright, Clinton’s secretary of state,

“We have heard that a half million children have died [from sanctions on Iraq]. I mean, that’s more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the price worth it?” Albright’s response was, “I think this is a very hard choice, but the price–we think the price is worth it.”

Clinton attacked and dismembered Yugoslavia, using a “divide and conquer” strategy to install US/NATO puppet governments ruling over its corpse. During and after World War Two Yugoslavia underwent its own Leninist revolution, independent of Soviet tanks, and eventually evolved a market socialist economy based on a limited form of worker self-management. Most of the economy was run by enterprises that were officially worker owned, with elected managers, and sold their products on the market. Yugoslavia was a federation of different nationalities in southeastern Europe, with six different republics united under a federal government.

As the Soviet empire declined and fell western financial institutions such as the IMF and World Bank began pressuring Yugoslavia to implement neoliberal capitalist reforms such as privatization, austerity measures and so on.

Yugoslavia implemented these on a limited basis. These programs lead to a declining economy that opened the door for opportunistic politicians to whip up nationalism for their own benefit, scapegoating other nationalities for economic problems. They also stressed relations between the federal government and the republics because money that would have gone to the republics instead went to servicing Yugoslavia’s debt. The United States and Western Europe took advantage of this to encourage the breakup of Yugoslavia into NATO protectorates.

In 1990 separatists won elections in Slovenia, Bosnia and Croatia. The new Croatian government began to persecute the Serb minority living in Croatia, even bringing back the flag and other symbols from when it had been a World War Two Axis puppet government (run by a fascist organization called the Ustase) that attempted to exterminate the Serbs (who were regarded as “subhuman”). Croatian President Franjo Trudjman refused to condemn the Ustase and claimed, “the establishment of Hitler’s new European order can be justified by the need to be rid of the Jews.” Croatia and Slovenia declared independence in 1991. West Europe and then the US recognized Slovenia and Croatia as independent states despite warnings from the UN that this would encourage Bosnia to declare independence and bring about a civil war, which it did.

The Yugoslav federal government fought a small ten-day war with Slovenia, after which Slovenia was allowed to leave Yugoslavia. Croatia and Bosnia fought bloody civil wars with the Yugoslav government. In Bosnia the main forces fighting against the federal government were Croat fascists, supported by Croatia, and Islamic fundamentalists, led by Alija Izetbegovic, who aimed to turn Bosnia into a theocracy similar to Iran or the Taliban. Most of Bosnia’s Serb minority sided with the Yugoslav federal government. The US covertly backed the Islamists and fascists by secretly supplying them with weapons and even flying in Muslim ‘holy warriors’ from Afghanistan so they could join the Jihad. Initially the Islamists and fascists in Bosnia worked together against the Serbs and Yugoslav government. Later they started fighting each other, but US & West European pressure eventually put a stop to that. When the Yugoslav government started winning the war NATO sent in the air force to bomb them and support the separatists. Many atrocities were committed on both sides of the war, but Western governments and media emphasized and exaggerated Yugoslav and Serb atrocities while downplaying or ignoring atrocities committed by the separatists.

In 1995 the war came to an end, in a defeat for Yugoslavia. Under a UN fig leaf, NATO “peacekeeper” troops occupied much of the former Yugoslavia while Bosnia was made into a de-facto NATO colony, occupied by NATO troops and with a “high representative” responsible to foreign powers in charge of the country. Yugoslavia was dramatically shrunk, with only two out of six Republics, Serbia and Montenegro, remaining in the union (Macedonia had been allowed to peacefully leave the union in the early ’90s but at this time was still largely outside the Western sphere of influence).

The next phase of Clinton’s conquest of Yugoslavia began in the late ’90s when the CIA began covertly supporting the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA), a terrorist organization that has been linked to Osama Bin Laden. The KLA launched a guerilla war in the Kosovo province of Serbia, advocating independence for Kosovo. In 1999, under the guise of “peace negotiations,” the US/NATO issued an ultimatum demanding Yugoslavia allow NATO troops to occupy the entire country. Yugoslavia obviously refused this unreasonable demand and Clinton used this refusal as an excuse to begin a major bombing campaign against Yugoslavia. After several months of bombing pulverized the country a peace deal was reached allowing NATO “peacekeeper” troops to occupy Kosovo (but not the rest of Yugoslavia), effectively turning the province into a NATO protectorate. A year later a revolt led by US-funded groups and politicians overthrew the Yugoslav government, putting pro-US/NATO leaders in charge. The new government abolished Yugoslavia and became a Western puppet. This conquest was completed shortly after Clinton left office, when KLA forces attacked Macedonia. Macedonia saw the writing on the wall and allowed NATO troops to occupy it. Clinton succeeded in not only ripping Yugoslavia apart, but in achieving US/NATO domination over the Balkans and in forcing an economic system favorable to Western investors on the region. A wave of privatization has swept over the former Yugoslavia, transforming it into a corporate capitalist economy colonized by Western capital.

The standard excuse Clinton used to justify the military interventions in Yugoslavia was that it was supposed to stop “ethnic cleansing”/”genocide” allegedly being perpetrated by the Serbs/Yugoslav government. This is obviously bogus because the US helped instigate the conflicts that lead to the various massacres in the war and also because Clinton largely turned a blind eye towards atrocities committed by separatist forces (like the massacres in Gospic and Krajina). It is also not credible because Clinton ignored other genocides (such as Rwanda) and even funded Turkey’s genocide against the Kurds, which occurred at roughly the same time and resulted in the slaughter of tens of thousands of Kurds.

The death toll of the democrats is quite large:

Greek Civil War: 160,000 (Truman)
Korean War: 3 million (Truman)
Assault on Indochina: 5 million (started under Truman, accelerated under Kennedy & LBJ)
Coup in Indonesia: 1 million (LBJ)
East Timor: 100,000 (Carter)
Kwangju Massacre: 2000 (Carter)
Argentine Dirty War: 30,000 (mostly Carter)
Iraq sanctions: 1.5 million (mostly Clinton)
Turkish Kurdistan: 40,000 (mostly Clinton)

That’s at least 10,8022,000 killed by democrats, 9,292,000 if one only counts the liberal governments (Clinton wasn’t really a liberal). For comparison, the Nazi holocaust killed roughly 6,000,000 Jews. And this is just the tip of the iceberg; these are only the most famous incidents over the last couple of decades. If you add up the total from periods preceding this and the less famous incidents the number get much, much higher. If you add in starvation (a direct result of capitalism) it gets even higher.

Democrats could have stopped the congressional authorization for the Iraq war (via filibustering) but instead lots of them defected to the warmongers’ side. They could have stopped many of the nasty things the Republicans are doing by filibuster but choose not to. Many democrats actively supported the war. Most of those who did oppose it offered little opposition, chickening out when the shooting started and either abstained or voted in favor of the pro-war “support our troops” resolution in March. Even Dennis Kucinich, leader of the “anti-war” opposition in the house, abstained from the vote instead of voting against it. It was only after Bush’s war started going sour that vocal criticism began to come from democrats, which is completely opportunistic. Bush’s lies and fabrications about the Niger Uranium had already been exposed prior to the war, but it wasn’t until after the invasion was completed and the democrats needed an issue to attack Bush with that they started whining about it.

The Democratic Party, the party of slavery, has a long history of mass murder and empire building. They are not an alternative to the American Empire. Especially on foreign policy, there is remarkable consistency between republican and democratic administrations. If the Nuremberg standards were applied every President since World War Two, both democrat and republican, would have to be hung. Both parties have the same basic goals; they just disagree on minor details. It would have been much harder for Bush to conquer Iraq (perhaps politically impossible) if Clinton hadn’t been waging war against it for his entire term. The policies implemented by the US government have more to do with the specific circumstances of the time period then with which particular individual happens to occupy the white house. If a democrat is elected he will inherit this Pax Americana and it is unlikely that he would dismantle it (or even be capable of dismantling it). A vote for the democrats is a vote for imperialism and war (as is a vote for the Republicans).

VI Congress of Emek Partisi

From En Marcha
# 1562 January 5 to 13, 2012

Resolution

We support the peoples who have rebelled for their rights and their freedom; we condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran.

Throughout 2011, the Arab peoples of North Africa and the Near East have risen one after another. They do not want to be victims of the consequences of the hegemony of monopoly capitalism nor to be subjected to poverty and unemployment, and they rejected the repression of the autocratic dictatorships that safeguarded such hegemony. The despotic regimes that have lasted for 30 to 40 years have been the main reason for the disorganization of the oppressed masses and have served as an obstacle to their attaining consciousness. The peoples who have risen up have achieved some victories but they have not been able to reap important fruits of this struggle, such as for example to achieve their own political power. Therefore, these reactionary bourgeois forces supported by Western imperialism have maintained or have tried to maintain their hegemony through the strengthening of their pillars with new collaborators, seeing that their hegemony was in difficulty.

The Arab peoples, who have risen up, have realized their potential and have tasted certain victories, which is why their struggles have still not been repressed in any country except for Libya. Despite their low level of consciousness and organization, the peoples are carrying forward their uprisings with an effort to try to overcome their weakness, and they insist on opposing the attacks by reactionary forces that have been organized especially by elements of political Islam, which has become more moderate and pro-American in almost all those countries.

We understand that the communist parties and organizations that are signing this document, gathered at the Sixth Congress of the Party of Labor of Turkey, express our pride and solidarity with the struggles of the masses of the people, not only in the Arab countries of North Africa and the Near East, but also in Europe, from Spain to Greece, and in Latin America, from Venezuela to Ecuador, for their social and popular rights and freedoms; as well we proclaim our support for the just struggle of the Palestinian people against the Zionist imperialism of Israel.

However, we are aware of the fact that our main weakness is the inadequate level of consciousness and organization of the peoples of the world, with a view to any process of struggle. The imperialists and their collaborators take advantage of this weakness in their efforts to renovate the weakened bases of their hegemony and to repress those struggles through ideological penetration and infiltration in those struggles of the peoples that imperialism claims to support, manipulating these struggles towards their own interests and eliminating the popular features of these struggles.

Western imperialism, which maintains hegemony in its hands and tries to strengthen its position in relation to the ascending imperialist powers, not only aims to reinforce its hegemony in the countries under its influence through the repression of the popular struggles, but also tries to establish its hegemony by extending its influence on the peoples and their struggles and using them as a tool in countries such as Syria and Iran, which have not yet been subjugated.

We do not support the regimes of either Assad or Khamenei. However, we stress the fact that the imperialist powers are intervening with the support of the reactionary forces in the region such as Turkey and the Saudis, in the name of support for the so-called “opposition” in Syria and Iran under the pretext of the struggle for “democracy” and “repression of the dictators”; these policies have nothing to do with the right of self-determination of the peoples or the democratic and social aspirations of peoples. We are opposed to imperialist interventions – economic as well as political and military – for whatever reason, whether they are called by their obliging collaborators or not, and we condemn such policies that only lead to war, bloodshed and suffering.

We call on the peoples of the world, especially the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be alert to the interventions and imperialist tricks such as those that have taken place in Libya, to show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to support the fight against imperialism and its reactionary forces.

Ankara, December 2011

Communist Party of Albania
Communist Party of Benin
Party of Labor of Belgium
New Party of Cyprus
Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Communist Party of Spain (ML)
Organization for the Reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece
Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia
Emek Partisi of Turkey

Source

Nikos Zachariadis on Marxism-Leninism-Stalinism

“It is our duty, armed with the theory and the method of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin, the ideological arsenal of Marxism – Leninism – Stalinism, to study and dissects Greek life and reality with a time of changes and developments to analyze and know the modern Greek, local peculiarities and characteristics, to illuminate the Greek beam path to people’s democracy and socialism – communism”

(Nikos Zachariadis, “Marxism-Leninism in Greece”, Communist Review, Athens, June 1946, p. 5)

“4. If Leninism is the passage from imperialism to the revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat, Stalinism is the transition to socialism under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Stalinism in theory illuminated the path of socialism and made him become true. But this is only a part of it.

7. So what is Stalinism? Stalinism is Marxism – Leninism of the era of socialism. The victory of socialism in one sixth of the world, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, is the main motive, created the foundation for the victory of the world revolution.”

(Nikos Zachariadis, “Positions on the History of KKE”, June 19, 1939, chapter 7. Taken from “Nikos Zachariadis: Selected Works”, Publication of the CC of KKE, April 27, 1953, pp. 38-41)

Source 

PCMLE: Economic crisis in Greece destabilizes the European financial system

En Marcha, May 4, 2010

Greece with its small crisis could be the straw that breaks the camel and cause a new general decline in stock markets in Europe and the world.

EUR 300 billion is external debt of Greece, however, support the “Eurozone” will be over 100 billion euros. A huge injection of resources that attracts attention.

The reason is to save the system, not Greece.

The interest of countries like Germany and France is to avoid spreading across the economy is stabilizing than just the latest crisis, and this problem in the context of the huge European economy is really small, does not become the spark to burn down the whole system again.

A few weeks ago that level of “help” was not recognized by the European Community, it was only possible if “the Greek treasury could not meet the deadlines” and that happened, which led, as expected, down from European shares arising due to the mistrust that is to keep it from spreading to other countries with budget problems, such as Spain or Portugal.

For its part, Greece could hardly address the problem. With enormous effort can bring to Greece just a little over EUR 6 billion this year. This provides an example of the magnitude of the problem.

There is help for the people, are resources to “reassure the market”, ie will banks, financial institutions, international creditors. However, who must tighten their belts it is the Greek people. His reaction is right: strong protests, strikes, strikes. Are right, the money was never invested in them, plus they are not consulted on how to get out of the problem. Only download on them the burden of the crisis. Public employees have seen their wages reduced by 20% and increased retirement age, while being announced several measures that are to alleviate the crisis but to beat the people.

Where will the money? Will the European Central Bank. Say the news will have no impact on the economy of other countries, which is untrue. Have an impact, not so much the amount as by the accumulation of inorganic emissions were forced to do the central banks to address the crisis of 2008. This drop may spill the cup.

But help is not guaranteed. There are voices that arise out of Greece to the Community for several reasons: the lie by making up documents with the interest in joining, the Euro’s own health would be more committed to this situation, the vision of northern Europeans who have prejudices against Southern Europeans.

Financial speculators are also in the game. Perhaps because they learned that in these situations is when more profit can be obtained. This happened in the crisis of 2008. The “freedom” of the system offers the opportunity to leave bankruptcy in whole countries and peoples, while filled with money as he could. Things of savage capitalism.

Source

PCMLE: 2011 – A Year of Youth Mobilization & Struggle

En Marcha, January 5, 2012

The crisis of capitalism and its effects on the world worsened in the 2011, the demonstrations, protests and launched shots of places young people and made them key players in an intense struggle against unpopular regimes and policies demanding democracy, freedom and better living conditions.

The first country to move was Tunisia, which together with the leftist movement led to the overthrow of dictator Ben Ali Zine el Abidinee, for the January 14 fight was the center of Egypt against Mubarak’s government, who left office in spite of the help they received from U.S. imperialism, under pressure from workers, youth and workers in the streets demanding his departure.

As a Sunday May 15 young men called themselves the “outraged” completely filled Puerta del Sol in Spain and 150 seats, meeting under the cry of “real democracy now.” Despite trying to be evicted by the police, the youth confessed to have no more fear, “The voice of the people is not illegal,” shouted the protesters after hearing this news. They realized that failure is not the economy, is not corruption, is the capitalist system that unleashes the infamous dictatorship download the crisis on the shoulders of the people sparking outrage in Spain.

Education was the right on to South America, high school students in Argentina were the first at the Southern Cone ignited massive mobilizations in Buenos Aries expanding to the rest of the country, they ceased not put on alert the government of Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner.

The Chile government repression stirred the minds of students and workers who were brutally suppressed, the style Pinochet, the student movement called for a national day of action twice for 18 and 19 October, and demonstrated in different cities, to demand a free, quality education, looking at new measures as “cacerolazo” already reaching 7 months of continuous protest.

By September hundreds of young Americans filled the area of​Trinity Place in New York, meeting under the slogans “Enough of corruption,” “curb cuts” and “do not market our future.” Despite the police evicted the outskirts of the Wall Street Center. There is no force to press the voice of young people and so many fans of all ages acted on behalf of “a new society that gives priority to people over the economic and political interests.”

The youth became in 2011 an example of combat. Threats and other attacks on freedom not undermined the rebellious spirit of youth, much less have failed to intimidate his liberating power. Spain, Greece, Libya, England, Chile and the U.S. were built and continue to ignite the flame of youth protest and the workers and peoples and give added strength to continue fighting for higher wins.

Source

Turkey: Sixth Congress of the Labour Party (EMEP) Resolution

We support people who have rebelled for their rights and freedoms, condemn the imperialist conspiracies against Syria and Iran.

During 2011, the Arab peoples of North Africa and the Middle East have raised a after another. They did not want to be reported to the consequences of the hegemony of monopoly capitalism, nor voted on unemployment and poverty, and have rejected the repression of autocratic dictatorships that preserved this hegemony. The regimes despotic that lasted for 30 or 40 years have been the main reason for disorganization of the oppressed masses and have served as obstacles to the realization. The people who have raised have won some victories, but failed to collect the real fruits of their struggle, such as risucire to conquer their own political power. Therefore, the bourgeois reactionary forces backed by Western imperialism have maintained or are trying to maintain their hegemony, which has been questioned, strengthening their bases with new workers.

The Arab peoples that have been raised, have realized their potential and have tasted some victories, their struggles have not yet been crushed in any part, except Libya. Despite the low level of consciousness and organization, people have brought continue their uprising with an effort that aims to overcome the weaknesses, and continue to against the attacks of the reactionary forces that have reorganized especially through of political support, which has become a force moderate and pro-U.S. based in almost all countries.

We, the communist and workers parties and organizations have signed this document, meeting in VI Congress of the Workers’ Party of Turkey, we express our pride and solidarity with the mass struggles of the peoples, not only of the Arab countries of North Africa and the Middle East, but also of Europe, from Greece to Spain, Latin America, Venezuela and Ecuador, for the rights and social freedoms and national, as we proclaim our support for the Palestinian people’s just struggle against imperialism and Zionism in Israel.

Nevertheless, we are aware of the fact that our main weakness is the inadequate level of consciousness and organization of the peoples of the world, both during the uprisings in other processes. The imperialists and their accomplices take advantage of this weakness in their efforts to restore the decaying bases of their sovereignty and punish these struggles by ideological penetration and infiltration into the ranks of the people who claim to want to support, exploiting the struggle for their interests and by eliminating popular features.

The Western imperialism, which keeps the global hegemony in his hands and tries to strengthen its position in competition with the imperialist powers on the rise, not only aims to strengthen its hegemony in countries traditionally under its influence of suppressing popular struggles, but also attempts to establish its hegemony influencing people and their struggles, using them as levers to countries like Syria and Iran, which have not yet been subdued.

We do not support schemes and Assad | Ahmadinejad. However, we stress the fact that when the imperialist powers involved with the support of the reactionary forces of region such as Turkey and Saudi Arabia, in the name dell’apoggio the so-called “opposition” Syria and Iran under the pretext of fighting for “democracy” and “suppression of dictators, “these policies have nothing to do with rights to self-determination and their democratic aspirations and social. We oppose all actions imperialist – both economic and political and military – whatever their reason, they are desired by their accommodating staff or not, and condemn these policies only bring war, bloodshed and suffering.

We appeal to the peoples of the world, especially the peoples of Syria and Iran, to be in guard against the traps and imperialist interventions like those that occurred in Libya, show solidarity with the struggles of the peoples of the region and to support the fight against imperialism and the reactionary forces.

Ankara, December 2011

Communist Party of Albania
Communist Party of Benin
Workers’ Party of Belgium
New Cyprus Party
Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
Spanish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist)
Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party of Greece (1918-55)
Communist Party of Workers of Tunisia
Turkish Labour Party

Source

More photos from PAME-”K”KE stance on October 20

Members of "K"KE-PAME in front of police forces uphold the Greek Parliament using sticks and helmets

Members of "K"KE-PAME attacked protesters during the second day of the 48-hour general strike (October 19-20)

None of these photos were published in "Rizospastis". newspaper of "K"KE

Source

The reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: Impact force of the capital upheld the reactionary bourgeois parliament

Surprised thousands of workers striking protesters and anti-fascists of various political orientations and members-but fans of “K” KE-PAME who were in Constitution Square the second (20 Ochtovri) day of 48-hour strike they first saw the reformist leaders to assume stewardship the reactionary bourgeois parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, ie the imposition of bourgeois legality, with the “excuse” the safeguarding of “own” ie that the concentration of PAME, apparently replacing the police and the civilian Army who uses the bourgeoisie when the police are inefficient and unable to fulfill this “pious” work ie to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime.

The surprise, of course, thousands of demonstrators strikers are entirely justified, because this phenomenon is completely new to the action of right-wing opportunists antistalinikon-antizachariadikon leaders and such a shameful act anepanastatiki happens for the first time in the history of the local political process chroustsofikis social democracy: to take the reformists leaders of the “K” KE-PAME’s role and work of the Police ie guard the bourgeois parliament and ensure that civil legitimacy and the full replacement. But this ignominious fate of the reformist leaders was not a random and isolated incident, nor was an error estimate: instead it was expected and inevitable, is not new, and perhaps the last link in a long chain in the course of constant betrayal of social democratic Khrushchev “K” JV starting from the mid-50 when protosygkrotithike (March 56), after the violent revolutionary Communist Party from the brutal intervention of Khrushchev, Brezhnev, etc. therein, from the Soviet treacherous chroustsofiki group as an outset antistaliniko antizachariadiko-urban, social democratic type party.

For antistalinikous-antizachariadikous opportunist leaders of the new reformist “K” KE (56) are the words of Lenin’s old social democracy, “the factors of the labor movement who belong to the opportunist trend are the best defenders of the bourgeoisie, despite themselves bourgeoisie “(Lenin), and” there just is the starting point and the current counterrevolutionary role of the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME open civil defense system by challenging employees to uphold the reactionary bourgeois parliament, evolution surprise for thousands of workers and protesters has the background to – default but from the chroustsofiki direction – two important stages, before it reaches the end-Ochtovri of 2011, which is essential to fully brief report that will highlight the best and convincingly Today’s revolutionary energy and their inevitable outcome, over a period of sharpening class struggle.

1.Dekaetia of 80: the disgraceful stewardship of the Embassy of the U.S. imperialists with the Police

When in November 1980, the state University, the Government of monarcho-fascists party SW (Prime Minister G. Rallis) ordered the police to attack protesters who tried to “break” the fascist prohibition on the road to the American Embassy, ​​with the result that many hundreds of injured protesters and murder of a young laborer Stamatia Kanellopoulos and Cypriot student James Koumi, leader of bourgeois party PASOK and Papandreou that the social democratic “K” KE X. Florakis instead condemn the government of murderers denounced the demonstrators and attributed to these bloody episodes caused by the fascist police attack, with instructions of Prime Minister G. Rallis (son of worthy collaborators father Ioannis Rallis occupation Prime Minister appointed from the German conquerors).

In another time, in 1981, won the elections PASOK bourgeois, and the then new Prime Minister has allowed for the first time the continuation of trajectories in the American Embassy (as in 1981 banned the marches by the government of New Democracy party monarcho-fascists in the U.S. Embassy, ​​allowed only as the Constitution).

From the very first time the Embassy of U.S. imperialists not only patrolling the police and members-fans of “K” KE was always lined up in front in chains and behind them stood fully armed riot police, a practice that continued for decades. Many of the members-fans (unfortunately employees-naive victim of a treacherous policy) of the “K” KE guarded fanatically, synofryomenoi and scowl, the Embassy of the United States, ready to “sacrifice” for not done any ” provocation “and” abandoned “the notorious ‘parliamentary’ road to the” great change “and” socialism “they promised at the time the twin policies apateoniskon Papandreou Florakis.

This was the first time that chroustsofikoi leaders “K” KE guarding a stranger – not Greek – capitalist building (U.S. Embassy) and even the building, symbol of sovereignty in our country of the U.S. imperialists, the biggest and most bloody imperialist power of our time, and that the name of “cancellation” of any “provocation” by taking a role and fulfilling a mission that was-always belongs to the Police and the Army rather than urban workers – these two key institutions of the bourgeois state and the main supports of the power of the reactionary bourgeoisie.

2. December 2008: by the mighty uprising of the student youth and the side of the reactionary bourgeoisie

The cold-blooded murder, in December 2008, from the Police Karamanliki the young 15 year old student Alexis Grigoropoulos sparked a known militant and the glorious uprising of student youth from end to end the country’s murderous violence against police and police terror – a monumental and unprecedented rebellion panicked and terrorize the whole bourgeoisie (all bourgeois and reformist parties) but also disrupted for nearly one month across Europe (“the risk that the insurrection in Greece to xaplothei and the rest of Europe,” says representatives capital in different countries of the EU, the strong echo of came as Latin America.

Then, maybe some remember the panic Prime Minister Costas Karamanlis and Ministers of the reactionary government had disappeared for nearly a month of politics and life of the bourgeoisie had to retrieve that month the Papariga-Karatzaferis elevating the records to government representatives and ministers of Public Order with statements claiming that the daily events of those days was a “project abroad”, ie that this magnificent uprising of youth motivated and guided by supposedly “external enemies” or else: Papariga ” masked the nucleus has been designed abroad, “Karatzaferis’ patrons Parakentro abroad behind the attacks”, etc. or even Papariga “draft domestic and foreign centers riots» («Real news »21/12/2008, p. 1), etc. etc. – reactionary statements, misleading and defamatory in nature, at the expense of the great uprising of the student youth, published in the bourgeois and fascist type of those days (” Today’s “,” Adesmeftos Type “, etc.) with fasistofyllada” Today’s “praise and public headlines, the” audacity “, meaning the betrayal of the leadership of social democratic” K “KE:” Only the Communist Party dared to clash openly with the nuclei of which praktoriskon perform the dirty destabilization plan “(” Today’s “15/12/2008, p. 1).

After Papariga along with the entire leadership of Khrushchev “K” KE shifted provocative aproschimatista and fiercely against the mighty uprising of the student youth, disparaging the extra in the most vulgar and reactionary way, and passed off with its policy stance on camp of reactionary bourgeoisie – at a time sharpening of class struggle - the guy leading the bourgeois fasistofyllada the “Today’s” invited directly to use in practice members, fans of the urban “K” KE as IMPACT FORCE for smashing the rebellion the Young and “restoration of order of democracy”: “If the police are unable to take their … CITIZENS OR KKE restore order of democracy” (“AVRIANI” 19/12/2008, p. 1).

Despite the appeals section of the urban type led by “Today’s” leaders “K” KE did not dare to “commit suicide” so early (knowing that they have to offer future services, and difficult moments in this chapter as available), downloading the streets of Athens, batter kranoforon armies to suppress the rebellion of youth, members of the IR “K” KE preferred to “roost”, the entire December, the ‘fortress’ of Perissa (no one disagreed) as katatromagmena chicks, looking for warmth, tranquility and comfort beneath the decrepit icy trembling wings panicked sosialimokratissas A. Papariga, perhaps feeling some relief and joy listening to all-night prayers, prayers to “God” and religious melodies of reactionary neo-orthodox theousas ethnikistrias L. Kanellis to “exorcize” at every opportunity the “possessed” and unruly pupils and begged the “Almighty” to the “enlightenment” to finally stop the protests and leave off the “great evil” and “disaster “he found the country. “Heeded,” ultimately, melodic prayers from the “Almighty” that saw be born “divine child” on December 25 (= school holidays and early closure) and thus ended the protracted “tragedy” of the country ie “tragedy” of panic reactionary bourgeoisie that had fitness and military units prepare for surgery at the center of Athens. Already he had failed to lock-outs of the Karamanlis government to close schools-schools that had then promoted from the reformist leaders of the “K” KE through “K” Ne (“Announcement of press office of PA KNE”, 7 / 12/2008) on the affected than those student-student youth to ‘shut down schools and colleges, the universities and colleges, the vocational training institutes and schools of OAED, night schools “(” P “9/12/2008, p. . 15), ie to become practice that required by the reactionary government of Karamanlis attitude forced to leave the familiar “Press Release of the Association of Teachers of Panteion University ‘:” This morning (11.12.08), the Panteion University ended with initiative Panspoudastikis students who relied decision of the Central Committee of the Communist Party. Throughout the post-dictatorship period has not happened close to University decision partisan institution …. “ These are some of the few” exploits “in those days the lackeys of capital reformist leaders of the” K “KE, along of course with that, completely forgotten today, fascist inspiration and content anekdiigito “story” titled “The wrong call a murderer” (“P” 28/12/2008, “7 days together”) reminiscent of the Nazis as-fascist propaganda of Hitler period in Germany.

3. Ochtovris 2011: ensure-imposition of bourgeois legality – upholding the reactionary bourgeois parliament

The stewardship of the U.S. Embassy along with the Police from the early 80′s by the leadership (Florakis) of the Social “K” KE and fiercely hostile attitude toward leadership Papariga grand uprising of the student youth (in December 2008 ) are the two most important before the 48-hour strike of October (2011), a landmark anepanastatikis action of this Civil Party, because in the first case noted, first, converting members of supporters of the “K” KE on army police soldiers guarding the embassy of an imperialist country, while in the second case mentioned, the political attitudes of leadership, open passage into the camp of the bourgeoisie – a passage that rightly led the bourgeois press (the most blatant example fasistofyllada “Today’s”) to called because of the inability of the police, led by “K” KE to download members-supporters to the streets to quell violent with armies batter-kranoforon the rebellion of youth, ie to use them as shock troops of the capital, substituting Police and city army.

If this day of 48-hour strike (19-20 Ochtovri 2011) the effect of PAME had two important characteristic aspects: a) that permanent scabs mechanism of urban governments (ND-PASOK) with scabs separate character disruptive concentrations (systematic and permanent division in favor of capital, strikes urging the reformist leaders of GSEE-ADEDY) and b) that of worship and apotheosis of bourgeois legality, ie the voluntary acceptance of the covered behind the so-called “safeguard the paths’ PAME, for which the leadership posts whenever the congratulations and praise of the respective governments and the leadership of Police, and recently, for the umpteenth time, the bourgeois “NEW” fully justified, they note that “the safeguarding of the paths GO get ‘excellent’ by the Police” and “senior officer ELAS says features “that” together we have peace of mind, we know how to protest and will not open nostril, rarely cause episodes “to mark the bourgeois tabloid : “the police presence more often than is typical” (“NEW”, 22-23/10/2011, p. 27), the last day of the 48-hour strike (20 Ochtovri) appeared, added a third new and very important but also much more dangerous for the workers and trade union movement: that of defending the act of reactionary bourgeois regime and safeguard-enforcement of bourgeois legality, in consultation with the government of PASOK and the direct cooperation of the police.

And now to the question of safeguarding the civil parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, ie the imposition of bourgeois legality of the last day of a 48 hour strike.

First two issues are not disputed by any one, nor from the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: 1) that the “encirclement of the House” and 2) that the “encirclement” of the House “had nothing to do with preventing Members enter the House. “

On the first, the reformist Social Democrat G. Perros, a leading member of PAME, protested Wednesday (19.10.2011) the concentration of Concorde, “everyone in the encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads’ ( “P” 20/10/2011, p. 10) and “now encircle the House from all sides” (“P” 20/10/2011, p. 8), etc. etc..

On the second, a commentary by former partner and like-minded social democrats of Khrushchev (member of the JV period Koligianni), and current Deputy Prime Minister I. Pangalos, who said in a televised broadcast that “Aleka Papariga invites people to encircle Thursday the House to prevent Members to arrive at Parliament for the enactment of polynomoschediou,” the ” Rizospastis’ response, apologoumenos and angry, he wrote the truth: “this is a lie and slander drawn. PAME, organized this mobilization is not intended as p m e d i m in a (Signed ours) for Members to vote “(” P “18/10/2011, p.6), then cites Papariga extract statement the previous day: “to clarify the following: the encirclement and exclusion of the House decided by unions and other organizations, which support and will support, has nothing to do with preventing members from entering the House “(” P “18/10/2011, p.6) – an” intelligent “in koutoponiria proposal-energy (at the suggestion apparently consulting the bourgeoisie), but first and foremost, and this is important, highly e u INVITATION d e t r-action proposal for the government of PASOK, the reactionary bourgeoisie and all parties in a moment of great and deep crisis of the bourgeois political system and the sharpening of class struggle. Therefore, “the encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads’, and d e d a m n emphasis is ensuring attendance of Members of Parliament (under the protection of kranoforon-batter PAME), no was to protect the reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME to ‘thousands of toil who marched with flags’ and’ the movement itself “(” P “21/10/2011, p. 10), ( those of PAME is their right, but because truth and “the movement itself?” Who authorized them to do so? whether the “Almighty” Ave Kanellis?), but to guard from all sides and from all streets the bourgeois parliament ie to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime and to ensure, enforce the same civil legitimacy, in cooperation with the leadership of Police – a collaboration that could not be hidden nor A. Papariga when asked if PAME had cooperation with the police, admitted public saying: “in my opinion is correct, I would say that time can not interfere with the police” (“P” 21/10/2011, p. 3) and confirmed the “new” officer of the Headquarters of ELAS: “We asked the demonstrators not to intervene PAME” (“News” 21/10/2011, p.8).

But the “excuse” of “Rizospastis’ and social democratic leaders of the” K “KE-PAME that” encirclement and exclusion of the House “supposedly aimed” to bring the popular mobilization of such pressure, to reject the bill “to achieve “more MPs to vote against the bill” (“P” 18/10/2011, p. 6), is completely punched and completely indefensible. True because there were even greater pressure to be all strikers protesters gathered in one room and in front of Constitution Square and were supposedly “more pressure” scattered in the surrounding streets “circling” the House, probably by reducing the size, volume of the demonstration?

Regarding “K” KE-government cooperation is clearly confirmed, furthermore, from the shameful logydrio Papariga of the House (and even after the unfortunate death of trade union PAME), which is monumental, and xetsipoti proklitikotati support and rotten a deep crisis of civil status.

With great satisfaction accepted the stewardship of parliament from the leaders of the “K” KE-PAME Members of all parties, who generously bestowed praise on GO, including the deputy prime minister Eleftherios Venizelos, who in the cabinet said the “Communist Party contributed to the management and maintenance of order,” as other series and Adonis Georgiadis, member of the Nazi-fascist LAOS, who said: “Today the Communist Party of Greece impressed. Firstly because the regime has behaved perfectly protecting the Parliament by hooded. I applaud this act. All through the House say fortunately there PAME around and is experienced yesterday’s »(« Alter », main news, 20/10/2011), but many journalists in the central news as Hadjinicolaou N. J. Pretenteris, etc. etc.

Finally, in conclusion briefly, the antistalinikoi-antizachariadikoi reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME to the “encirclement of the House from all sides from all roads” passed in the course of their counter-revolutionary action – a period of intensification of class struggle – for the first time in a completely new phase: first, upholding the bourgeois parliament, second, safeguarding it, defended the reactionary bourgeois regime, third, secured-imposed the “Order and Security” ie bourgeois legitimacy with batter- kranoforous of PAME in cooperation with the Police, the fourth in the enforcement effort of bourgeois legality substituted the Police-Urban Army, taking-fulfilling their duties, fifth, replacing Police-Urban Army, evolved, transformed in practice for the first time in IMPACT POWER Capital, dragging in this revolutionary and extreme dangerous urban direction thousand employees shall-believers with the vanguard of batter-kranoforous PAME (had so much discredited in the eyes of striking workers in the Constitution, but nationwide, that neither ” radical “dared leaves 21.22 and 23/10/2011 to publish photographs of” young men “thugs batter-kranoforon of PAME and has published and 3 leaves a host of other photographs).

Source

KKE 1918-55: The reformist leaders of the “K” KE-PAME: Impact force of the capital upheld the reactionary bourgeois parliament

Photo: Members of PAME in the role of Riot police uphold the Parliament using sticks and helmets

Thousands of workers who were striking and protesting, anti-fascists of various political orientations, even members and followers of “K”KE and PAME in Syntagma Square outside the Greek Parliament the second day (October 20) of the 48-hour general strike were surprised when they saw the reformist leaders to assume stewardship of the reactionary bourgeois parliament and ensuring the “Order and Security”, i.e the imposition of bourgeois legality, with the “excuse” of safeguarding their “own” concentration (ie that the concentration of PAME), apparently replacing the riot police and the civilian Army which is used by the bourgeoisie when the police is inefficient and unable to to defend the reactionary bourgeois regime.

The October issue of Anasintaxi has an article with our position on the matter in Greek which can be found in http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com/2011/11/80-2011.html

Source

KKE 1918-1955 – PAME: at the service of capital, the divisive and strikebreaking role of its reformist leaders

On the occasion of its 3rd Panhellenic Conference

In the reformist “Announcement-call” of PAME (=”All Workers’ Militant Front”) (“Rizospastis”, 27/5/2007) on the occasion of its third panhellenic conference, it is mentioned that the founding of PAME, in 1999, is “an accomplishment of the working class” and that PAME acts according to the line of “class struggle”.

First of all it has to be clarified from the beginning that PAME is not a trade union and therefore it cannot initiate a struggle like calling a strike. As its name suggests, it is rather a coordination platform set up by various associations and trade unionists. Even so, both of the claims mentioned above are utterly demagogic and bear absolutely no relation to reality, that is, to the nature of PAME which is not revolutionary but a reformist trade-union platform as it is shown below. Consequently, PAME neither constitutes an accomplishment of the working class, nor adheres to the line of the “revolutionary class struggle” for the “fulfillment of the tasks corresponding to the needs of the working class” as most falsely its leaders purport for the sake of disorientating and deceiving the workers.

It must be emphasized that the truly revolutionary trade unions were schools of class struggle and schools of socialism-communism, in other words, they were always linking: a) the struggle for the economic and social demands with the political demands, giving priority to the latter and b) the anti-imperialist with the revolutionary struggle for the abolition of the exploiting capitalist system and the establishment of socialism-communism.

The revolutionary trade unions, as organs of struggle against the capital have permanently and constantly inscribed on their flag the revolutionary slogan of Marx: “abolition of the wages system”. As Marx emphasized: “the trade unions are the schools of socialism. In trade unions, the workers are shaped into socialists, because the struggle against the capital is carried out, on daily basis, before their very eyes” and Lenin also said that: “the working class limiting itself to the economic struggle, loses its political independence, allows itself to be dragged by other political parties, betrays the great emblem: the emancipation of the working class must be carried out by the workers themselves”

In complete contradiction to the above, PAME was founded from the very beginning, in 1999, as a reformist trade union platform guided ideologically by Khrushchevian revisionism that is opposite and hostile to the proletarian revolution and the whole Marxist concept of socialism. It continues along the reformist course of the World Trade Union Organization (WTO) which despite the fact that followed a revolutionary line, from its creation (October 1945) until the mid-50s, after the final dominance of Khrushchevian revisionism (1956) it degenerated into a reformist trade union organization abandoning the revolutionary and anti-imperialist line for good.

It is precisely the line of WTO, promulgated during the period of Khrushchev – Brezhnev – Gorbachev, which the PAME (“K”KE) reformist leaders follow today as well as its fraternal trade union organization A.P. (SYN). The reformists of PASKE (PASOK) are the same whereas the DAKE (ND) fascists were always representatives of the employers’ trade unionism. All these factions, participate in the Executive Committee of the reformist General Confederation of Greek Workers (GSEE) and the Higher Union of Civil Servants (ADEDY).

The PAME leaders are reformist not only because they have abandoned the line of revolutionary struggle and follow the line of class co-operation and limiting the struggle to economic demands but because they have also resigned from the immediate economic demands such as the salary payment for the 1st of May and the return of all the money stolen from the Insurance Institutions. Moreover they play a divisive and strikebreaking role through the separate rallies they organize. Concerning the imperialist war against Iraq, they showed, like the “K”KE leadership, a pro-American and pro-imperialist attitude because, during the war demonstrations: a) they adopted the slogan “Greece out of the war”(!) instead of the right anti-imperialist one: “Anglo-American imperialist occupation forces out of Iraq” not blaming thus the Anglo-American imperialists and b) they supported and continue to support the Quislings of the fraternal Iraqi “C”P that welcomed the invasion and participated in the first puppet government installed by the Anglo-American forces.

A. The divisive role of the PAME reformists

During the last years, the PAME leaders organize, on permanent basis, separate rallies on the of 1st May causing thus a split in the trade union movement not only on the higher but also on intermediate level across the country. Their excuse for doing this is that these divisive rallies offer allegedly by themselves the possibility to break away from the reformists and they are, therefore, of revolutionary character. It is, of course, obvious that the separate rallies neither distance the workers from reformist nor do they have by themselves an anti-imperialist and revolutionary character. On the contrary, the features that make the revolutionaries and the reformists essentially distinct and give the revolutionary content of a trade unionist rally are two: first, the general anti-imperialist and revolutionary line in combination with the violent overthrow of capitalism second, the revolutionary line of class struggle that defends the class interests of the workers and the wide masses maintaining an unbreakable unity between economic and political demands and always subdued to the general revolutionary direction.

If the separate rallies were by themselves revolutionary, devoid of the corresponding content, then, following this “criterion” of the PAME reformists, one would make the preposterous conclusion that this year’s separate rally for the 1st of May organized by the DAKE fascists was also a “revolutionary” one! Of course it was a counter-revolutionary and pro-capitalist rally apart from divisive.

A quick reference to the two separate PAME rallies on the occasion of the 1st of May (in 2005 and 2007) will show much better not only the divisive role of the PAME leaders but the abandonment of the defense of, even, basic reformist demands. Both rallies were reformist, in their content, because of the general Khrushchevian line and also because they didn’t satisfy the second condition, that is the defense of the current interests of the working class.

In the rally of the 1st of May 2005, the PAME reformists came up with the false dilemma: “1st of May, strike or bank holiday?” The harm of such a slogan to the interests of the working class can be properly understood if one considers the fact that in Greece the working class has accomplished, through a long struggle, so that the 1st of May is also a paid bank holiday besides a day of strike. This hasn’t diminished the size of the 1st of May rallies at all. However the reactionary Karamanlis government decided to abolish the bank holiday, that year and, thus, the leaders of PAME, using the above slogan were, in essence, completely identified with this decision. The result was that hundreds of millions of Euros went to the capitalists and the bourgeois state instead of the working people. On the contrary, in the rally organized by the GSEE-ADEDY reformists, the central slogan was “pay the working people” a fact that permitted the president of GSEE to criticize, from the left, the PAME leaders and accuse them of being at the service of capitalist interests. In the same separate rally for the 1st of May, the PAME reformists leaders didn’t defend even this particular economic interest-accomplishment of the working class but the interests of the bourgeois class, since, through their treacherous attitude, they made easier for the capitalists to pocket the millions of Euros that should have been paid to the working people.

In fact, the PAME reformist leaders, due to their treacherous attitude supporting the abolition of the 1st May bank holiday, placed themselves to the right not only of the reformists of GSEE-ADEDY-A.P. but also of the DAKE fascists; the latter, fearing the political cost, didn’t dare to express in public their approval of the government’s decision to abolish the 1st of May bank holiday: “DAKE issued an announcement whereby calls the government to move the bank holiday from the 1st to 11th of May, as had been done in the past”. So, the only trade union organization that supported this reactionary decision of the government was PAME. This was the reason why the PAME leaders were warmly congratulated by the fascist ND cadre A. Andreoulakos.

This rally of PAME wasn’t only a divisive rally but also a rally in favor of the abolition of 1st May bank holiday, in other words, it was a pro-government rally supporting the reactionary decision of the Karamanlis government.

In 2007’s rally for the 1st of May, the reformists leaders of GSEE-ADEDY had rightly adopted as central slogan the following: “return all the stolen money back to the Insurance Institutions” (as a response to the government-backed embezzlement of Insurance funds) whereas in their separate, divisive, rally the PAME leaders not only didn’t adopt the above slogan as the central one but not at all. Instead, they put forward the pro-governmental request voiced by the DAKE fascists asking for the return of all the money stolen from the Insurance Institutions since 1950 (!), that is to say, never. In this way, the leaders of PAME were aligned-identified with: a) the DAKE fascists and b) the reactionary Karamanlis government both of whom were against the return of the stolen money back to the Insurance Institutions.

In this case too, the reformists of GSEE-ADEDY were at the left of the reformist leaders of PAME.

The two above mentioned separate rallies organized by PAME on the occasion of the 1st of May clearly show that not only they were not revolutionary rallies but they didn’t seek to defend not even the concrete and rightful economic demands of the working people: a) to receive the payment for the bank holiday of the first of May (2005) b) to have all the stolen money from the Insurance Institutions returned (2007). These rallies of PAME were, therefore, reformist, divisive and pro-governmental.

On the 1st of May 2006, the reformist leaders of PAME committed an almost unprecedented treason since they didn’t appeal for a struggle against industrial capitalists and capital in general but only against the reformist leaders adopting the slogan: “Turn your back to the compromised trade unionists”.

Not surprisingly, PAME faces serious problems due to its divisive tactics. One of the its founding cadres, and a long-term member in its Executive Secretariat, T. Fotopoulos, mentioned the following in his resignation letter: “In OTE (Greek Telecom) the ESK (the “C”PG representatives) allied with ASSE (the K.A. representatives – a small group participating in PAME as well) and both went to the elections under a common slate called A.M. But the next day, having secured the election of its own members, ESK remained a separate faction and not a part of A.M although these people were elected as nominees of the latter!

PAME doesn’t take part in the anti-globalization actions except in WTO which they strive to resurrect by establishing a European Buro where they are the…sole members. The persistence of “K”KE and PAME to hold separate rallies has caused frictions with the few small groups with which formed or is forming an alliance like DIKKI or K.A

B. The strikebreaking role of the PAME leaders

The whole activity and the role of PAME is not only divisive – in the framework, of course, of reformism that dominates the trade union movement today – and in favor of capital; it has become, in addition, during the last years, something much worse in relation to working people strikes: PAME has become, with its separate rallies, the number 1 strikebreaking force in the reformist trade union movement. This because, on permanent and systematic basis – and not by mistake – it causes a split in the strike mobilization of the working people undermining its massiveness from the beginning.

Let’s take for example the latest strikes of sailors, schoolteachers, university teachers and university students.

In the case of the sailors’ strike, the trade union leaders of PAME, apart from breaking the strike, they also organized separate rallies that weren’t simply divisive but were, first and foremost, strikebreaking clearly aiming at the split of the sailors unity and the weakening of their struggle. They were strikebreaking rallies in complete coordination with the governmental strikebreaking mechanisms, in the framework of “K”KE-ND cooperation. Their attitude was so shamelessly pro-governmental that, while the barbarous police was attacking the rally held in solidarity to the tailors, the PAME reformist Manusogiannakis appeared on television not to condemn the fascist police assault but to distance the position of PAME from the event stating that the people beaten up by MAT (the infamous special police forces) didn’t belong to PAME!!!

In the case of the schoolteachers’ great and continuous strike that shook up the whole country, the PAME trade unionists in the Primary School Teachers Federation (DOE) not only rejected the strike and tried to prevent it but, when this started and for the duration, they were systematically undermining it through separate rallies of strikebreaking character. We pointed out at the time:

Only the reformist trade union factions (PASKE-A.P-P.) voted for the five-days strikes of the school teachers that shook up the whole country, as it is mentioned in “Rizospastis” in relation to the strikebreaking attitude of ESAK-DEE (the PAME representatives in the DOE): “the votes of PASKE, A.P and P. added up and the program of action was decided” (“R”, 7/7/2006, p. 18).

The reformist leaders of ESAK-DEE, having initially rejected and sabotaged the decision for the repeated 5-days strikes, went on to slander them claiming that they allegedly serve very well the pre-election needs of PASOK, few days before the October municipal elections (“R”, 7/7/2006, p.18). When the great strike began, they directly undermined the unity of the striking struggle by organizing separate rallies, merging, thus, with the DAKE reactionaries into a unified strikebreaking mechanism in the service of the government. It is more than obvious, and the PAME leaders cannot fail to realize, that without unity it’s impossible to achieve the massiveness of the struggle, a necessary condition for its successful completion” (“Anasintaxi”, No. 236, 15-30 October 2006, p.3).

Finally, the leaders of PAME came up against of the university teachers and students struggle; they openly opposed to the schools’ occupations by the students and the continuous strike of the university teachers. When the struggle began, they tried desperately to thwart it and then, after their failure to achieve this, they undermined it by organizing separate strikebreaking rallies. As a matter of fact the leaders of PAME went so far to place their rally stand next to the one of POSDEP-OLME-DOE in one of the great rallies held by the latter in Syntagma square. We wrote then about that rally:

“The only “note of discord”, the only negative and harmful event in that rally was the separate, strikebreaking rally in Omonia square organized by the reformist leaders of PAME. But this time they weren’t limited to the separate demonstration but they made a further step: they provocatively set up, obviously under instructions by the Karamanlis government, a second platform in Syntagma next to the one of POSDEP-OLME-DOE, not confronting the government but the Teachers Federation leading the struggle.

That the strikebreaking activity of the PAME leaders is carried out under the instructions of the Karamanlis government and in the framework of “K”KE-ND cooperation, was shown once more by the fact that also in this rally the blocs of PAME were small (numbering about 1000 people) (“PRIN”, 14/1/2007, p.13). The blocs were consciously and purposefully kept small in size in order to fulfill the goals agreed on with the government: a) the PAME leaders act in a strikebreaking way at the service of the government’s strikebreaking tactics b) avoid to put pressure on the government (a greater number of participants in the blocs would increase the pressure on the government upsetting the “K”KE-ND agreement)

Just imagine what would have been the picture if the other reformist trade union organizations had also set up their own platforms or what would have happened if the Teachers Federations POSDEP-OLME-DOE, as the leadership of the struggle, had rightly demanded the removal of the PAME reformists” (“Anasintaxi”, No 242, 15-31 January 2007, p.1).

From the above, it is evident that PAME is a reformist trade union organization which not simply follows the line of class cooperation but, at the same time, it plays a divisive and strikebreaking role, in the framework of the trade union movement, and in certain cases, like the ones mentioned above, its position is on the right wing of GSEE-ADEDY. This strikebreaking role is fully integrated-aligned with the strikebreaking mechanisms of the Karamanlis reactionary government.

C. Only the path of unity in struggle can stop the capital’s attacks

In their “Announcement-call”, the PAME leaders mention that their trade union platform “unites the working people into a unified class fighting capital and its agents”. This claim is utterly false and it only aims at the disorientation and the deception of the working class since the UNITY of the working class presupposes an anti-imperialist and revolutionary line in the trade unions, which doesn’t exist in the case of PAME because its activity is guided by the reformist social democratic Khrushchevian views, that is, the reformist line that dominated WTO from the mid-50s onwards. PAME, as a reformist trade union platform, is dividing the working class, just like in the older times, the social democratic reformist trade unions did and today GSEE, ADEDY.

PAME is not dividing only the working class but also the reformist camp with its separate rallies. Moreover, with the separate rallies of strikebreaking character during any striking mobilization, they, from the very beginning, cause a rift in the unity of the working class, the MASSIVENESS of the mobilization making it unavoidably INNEFECTIVE.

The class conscious and revolutionary workers cannot but raise the following fundamental question: “Is the working class able to repel the capital’s attacks given the absence of revolutionary trade unions and, if yes, how?”

The answer to this, fundamental and vital for the working class struggle, question has been already provided by life itself in the past but also at the present and it constitutes the answer of the revolutionary Marxism. The working class is indeed able – despite the absence of revolutionary trade unions – to repel the capital’s attacks. This can be achieved only along the path of UNITY that secures the maximum MASSIVENESS, two absolutely necessary conditions that can guarantee the EFFECTIVENESS of the mobilization and yield victory for the working people. The case in which the Insurance Bill was withdrawn in 2001 (by the Simitis government) after the massive panhelenic strike (at that time PAME wisely didn’t dare to organize a separate rally) and that of great, massive mobilization of students and working people against the Contract of First Employment (CFE) introduced by the right-wing government of Dominique de Villepin in France show the only right PATH. The same is shown by the great, massive mobilization of students and university students in Greece that prevented the reactionary revision of the Constitution’s article 16.

Moreover, the massive popular mobilization in Latin America countries – despite the absence of revolutionary trade unions and revolutionary communist parties – not only repelled the attacks coming from the indigenous capital, the IMF, the International Bank but also repeatedly ousted whole governments in a number of subcontinent countries.

Finally, it is a common knowledge that the sporadic acts of mobilization organized by PAME didn’t repel any attack from the capital, didn’t have and couldn’t have had absolutely no result; they were simply acts that served the petty-party and propaganda purposes of the PAME-“K”KE reformist leaders and aimed at the deception of the working people.

D. Further developments

After the massive rally organized by GSEE-ADEDY on the12th of December 2007 in Athens and in other Greek cities, the social democrat G. Marinos (new member of the “K”KE Politburo), hiding the fact that the panhelenic strike was called by the reformist leaders of GSEE-ADEDY, seems to worry very much about the size (5 times larger than the one of PAME) and the large participation of working people, including “a great number of employees in Olympic airways, lawyers, engineers, journalists and doctors” in the massive rally in Athens. Then, ridiculing himself he invites the working people to “think twice” about the fact they joined their trade unions rallies and urges them not to participate in theses but to the divisive, strikebreaking, progovernmental ones of the reformist PAME. At the same time, he advertises it as an allegedly “class force” which follows “the line of class struggle” that secures “the unity of the working class”!!!

Source

KKE 1918-1955: On the Occasion of the 60th Anniversary of the Foundation of the Greek Democratic Army

Article published in Revolutionary Democracy Vol. XIII, No. 2, September 2007.

In the end of spring of 1945, coming back to Greece from the German concentration camp in which he was imprisoned, Nikos Zachariades, the Secretary General of the Communist Party of Greece, came across and faced a specific reality.

a) A large political, progressive popular movement, predominating in every part of the Greek territory, inspired by the political and ideological principles and the epic of the fighting resistance of the Communist Party of Greece and the National Liberation Front. At the same time, he faced a movement ‘tired’ and ‘disappointed’ by the contradictory and compromising policies of its leadership, blocked by the political accords with local reaction – the instruments of English imperialism – political accords of defeat and laying down the victorious arms of the Popular Army and the popular democratic movement in general (Lebanon, Plaka, Gazerta, Varkiza etc.). Moreover, the leader of the CPG faced the negative situation created by the military defeat of the Left in the battle against the English in Athens in December 1944. This was a battle fought under unacceptable political and military conditions, with strange and spur-of-the-moment methods – as proven by the evidence – and fought also under the leadership of Georges Siantos, the party’s Secretary General at the time of the German occupation, who was later accused by the party of being an agent of the Intelligence Service.

b) A CPG highly regarded by the Greek people, which however during the occupation had been transformed by its leadership from a politically innovative party (around 450,000 members) into an enormous, loose political body lacking a role, objectives, spirit and orientation; not a leading party but a party that allowed in any supporter. The party also included leading members who became known and were recognised by the people through the fight of the NLF, and at the same time leading members who were unable to complete their revolutionary mission, dominated and bound by the spirit of political compromise that they themselves had cultivated within the movement through their choices; dominated also by petit bourgeois self-satisfaction and pride deriving from the greatness of the movement, of which they were leading. After all, these cadres distorted the line of N. Zachariades as it was expressed in his historic letter of October 1940 when Greece was attacked by Italian fascism, a guiding letter of the leader of the CPG and at the same time the last public statement only shortly before he was handed over by the Italians and their Greek collaborators to the Germans and was imprisoned in Dachau concentration camp until the liberation of Germany by the Red Army. In the last paragraph of this historic letter, N. Zachariades related in a categorical way the anti-fascist fight to the fight for social liberation, stressing:

‘The prize for the working people and for the current fight must be and will be a new Greece, a Greece of labour, of liberty, purged of any dependence on imperialism, with a truly popular culture’.

The leadership of the CPG during the occupation, with its political choices, disconnected the anti-fascist war from the general political perspective of the working people who should be fighting for national independence and social liberation.

c) Because of this political and leadership team of the CPG, strong conditions began to emerge which were favourable for the rapid reconstruction of the reactionary right-wing pro-English state. Bands of fascists committed murders in the villages and towns, thousands of fighters were arrested, terrorism dominated all over the country, the Treaty of Varkiza led to the disarmament and destruction of the glorious People’s Army of the National Liberation Front and the fighters of the countryside went up to the mountains once again to escape from the killing spree of the fascist bands.

This in brief was the situation that Nikos Zachariades, the leader of the CPG, had to deal with from the summer of 1945 onward, and on the basis of these very conditions he was called to take political and organisational initiatives, while the cycle of World War 2 had not yet been completed and the game of diplomacy concerning the global post-war situation was in a critical phase.

In the debates that have taken place – and still are going on – in Greece, in the scientific papers of historians and researchers, in the personal testimonies of leading Left members of that period, as well as on the other side too, in the long-term political and ideological controversy within the context of the Greek Left, many and often contrasting or consciously distorted evidence about the conditions under which the Civil War began and about the CPG’s leadership’s actions when Nikos Zachariades was at the head, have always been discussed. The slanderous and distorting efforts were developed and are still maintained with the same intensity, reinforced by the participation and behaviour of a large circle, of a front of ‘dark’ forces consisting of people united around the above objective. For half a century now, with the same mania, the ‘dark’ front keeps on with the same false arguments and consciously distorting tactics. In this front the most varied sectors of Greek society participated. Monarchist-fascists (of old and new types), revisionists of all kinds, social-democrats and Trotskyists play, directly and indirectly, the main role in slandering Nikos Zachariades’ personality and leading figure, with an obvious political-ideological goal: to deprive the Greek left and democratic movement of its own revolutionary and fighting traditions, as well as of its scientific and theoretical leading role that Nikos Zachariades played within the Greek movement and the CPG. The destructive force of the ‘dark’ propaganda was strongly reinforced after the absolute predominance of the forces of N. Khrushchev and L. Brezhnev in the international movement and particularly, after Nikos Zachariades’ assassination in Siberia in August 1973 after he had completed 17 years of exile there. This act had been pre-programmed by the KGB in collaboration with the leading team of the CPG (H. Florakis, K. Loules, K. Tsolakis etc.) to which the Soviet revisionists had assigned the leadership of the Greek party. The reason for the assassination of the head of the Greek Left was obviously to prevent his return to Greece after the forthcoming fall of the dictatorship, a fact that would disclose to the Greek people the political treason and would change – in favour of revolutionary opinion – the interrelations within the Greek movement. At the same time, however, Zachariades’ return to Greece as a political refugee would constitute a world-wide base for denouncing the revisionist Soviet party as well as the international state of affairs. At this point, we should refer to and emphasise the fact that under these bad conditions, the absolute predominance of the alliance of the ‘dark’ front, for decades and still until today, in the Greek left and popular movement there have been and still are forces resisting the reactionary anti-revolutionary front. The historic initiative of the anti-revisionist fight had been the tens of thousands of partisans, all refugees in the Eastern countries, the vast majority of whom (from 85% to 95%) stood by Nikos Zachariades’ side until the end, fighting against the violent anti-revolutionary intervention in the Greek Communist Party, facing unbelievable persecution, suffering, even imprisonment and exile.

The arguments against Nikos Zachariades that relate to his actions at the beginning of the Civil War, to the policy and strategy followed by the party during the second partisan fight, present not only an absolute lack of essential documentation, but also a range of varied and contradictory elements. Paradoxically the arguments are more or less the same in the reactionary and progressive circles. The overlapping opinions, which have different points of departure, reveal their real objectives; they aim to withhold the truth and to degrade Nikos Zachariades’ fighting stance and leadership abilities. In this document, we will not deal with the propaganda of the reactionary circles but rather with the reactionary and anti-historic arguments of those who talk in a ‘left’-wing manner and in the name of the Left:

1) The argument that Nikos Zachariades delayed the preparation and beginning of the armed rebellion.

This is a conscious distortion of the truth. The leader of the CPG, returning to Greece from Dachau, was faced with both a specific international and a domestic reality. He was informed, as soon as possible, of the international and domestic situation and he undertook very specific initiatives which were oriented towards:

a) The reconstruction of the CPG through the re-organisation of the party forces, the reinforcement of the political-educational work and its rapid transformation from a loose to a fighting, revolutionary workers’ party. He moved in this direction through the meetings of both the Plenary Sessions of the Central Committee and the 7th Conference, in which the issue of the international policy in these conditions and the complete scientifically documented programme for People’s Democracy were discussed. Furthermore, the strategy of connecting the party to the large workers’ and agricultural unions through many massive democratic processes put them quickly under the control of the party’s forces. He implemented the policy of reinforcing collaboration with the Agricultural Party and other co-operating parties of the democratic alliance. He implemented constant contact with the cadres of middle and lower rank and boosted their fighting conviction, which had fallen due to the compromising policies of the party’s leadership during the German occupation. During this period, Nikos Zachariades accrued information about the forces and possibilities of the movement, but also about the probable influence that enemy forces exerted within the CPG and the democratic front. It was also evident, that any decision in that period could not be made without taking into account the particular conditions in the greater Balkans area, since there were three new people’s democracies (Albania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria) which bordered Greece and were facing specific problems: their existence was intertwined with the unstable post-war transitional regime and was reflected both in Greece and in the Greek left movement. In addition, the CPG’s leadership, under those circumstances, could not ignore either the opinions of the regional left-wing parties or the opinions of Communist Party of Soviet Union, since the preparation of the armed rebellion – in order not to be considered an adventurous act – demanded in that very phase, many necessary political, technical and military preconditions.

b) The revolutionary, popular rebellion and conflict with British imperialism that was dominant in Greece during that period. The leadership of the CPG and Nikos Zachariades moved in this direction with a clear plan. Within a few months after his return to Greece, the line of mass popular self-defence against the reactionary groups was put into action and the formal battle cry of the Left, ‘English out of Greece’, which raised the fighting spirit of the Greek people, was heard for the first time. In this way, the perspective of struggle was cultivated in the people’s mind, since the Greek people knew by their experience during all those months, that the English and the Greek reaction had decided to exterminate the Greek popular left movement, preventing any perspective of reconciliation and resolution of the political problem through fair elections. At the same time, N. Zachariades and the leadership of the CPG and the international relationships ensured the political and military conditions for the popular rebellion that was coming. The political and organisational reconstruction of the movement that N. Zachariades undertook, took 8 months, beginning with his return to the country and the CPG’s leadership and ending with the milestone decision of the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the CPG on November 12, 1946, the anniversary of the Treaty of Varkiza. This decision made clear that the armed fight was unavoidable and led to the first military plans.

We can rebut the false arguments that Nikos Zachariades did not have a clear line for the armed fight and that he delayed going into the mountains – arguments absolutely irrelevant to the particular conditions of this specific period – with much evidence. We will refer however only to two characteristics:

1) Nikos Zachariades’ refusal to leave Athens and the leadership of the party’s apparatus before the departure abroad of G. Siantos (Secretary General of the party during the period of the German occupation who was responsible for the compromising political defeat of the Left), something that Siantos avoided doing despite the orders he was given. The opening of the CPG’s files from that period, which has been almost completed today and published in historic papers, although they are available to any researcher, highlights that situation and reveals to any honest fighter, researcher and historian the real facts. It was clear that Nikos Zachariades thought that within the political team of the movement there was a problem of vigilance and unity, a problem that he could not ignore. A series of telegrams from N. Zachariades to other cadres of the party who were on missions abroad proves this fact.

2) The testimony of Kostas Koligiannis (a leading cadre of the CPG), which he gave at the 3rd Conference of the CPG in October 1950, is testimony among tens of others with the same content. Kostas Koligiannis’ testimony is very interesting because he became the Soviet revisionists’ favourite; they named him Secretary General in N. Zachariades’ place, after the anti-democratic overthrow of the legal leader of the CPG. Kostas Koligiannis said:

‘In order for Markos Vaphiades to free himself from responsibilities, he claimed that the party did not start the fight in order to win with strength and determination, that the fight was waged under illusions and inconstancies and for this reason we did not win. Apart from the fact that everybody knew how the party’s decision was initially made, I want to say something that refutes M. Vaphiades’ claim. In July 1946, N. Zachariades himself told me, when I was departing to Epirus, that we should create a massive armed movement. He also said specifically that we should start from the region of Konitsa and Zagori with North Epirus and Tzoumerka as bases of operation and Western Macedonia and Thessaly behind us and to proceed further maintaining these two bases of operation. If we formed small groups in order to use them as a means of restraint in the handling of the situation, as M. Vaphiades says, then what would the mass partisan group – that the party asked us to form since June 1946 – serve for? I went there with the decision-making responsibility of the political office, because I went as the secretary of the party’s organisation. And why would the party give this order to us and another order to other organisations? I think that what M. Vaphiades says constitutes an attempt to free himself from some extremely serious responsibilities, the principal ones, because we lost the chance to resolve, in the end of 1946 and in 1947, the problem of reserves that decisively and determinatively affected the evolution of the armed fight.’ (1)

The above testimony concerning the responsibilities and inefficiencies of the General of the Democratic Army of Greece, Markos Vaphiades, a man who has been in the circle of protagonists in the slander against N. Zachariades and who later co-operated with K. Koligiannis, solves the puzzle and leads to objective conclusions.

2) The abstention from the general elections in March 1946.

The second mistake, a ‘determinative’ one as the cadres of the anti-Zachariades chorus characterised it, was the abstention of the CPG and the other parties of the democratic alliance from the general elections that the English and their vassal reactionary government of Athens organised on March 20, 1946. The ‘chorus’ claims that the Left should have taken part in the elections, although they knew that these elections had been held under the awful conditions of unbelievable terrorism, of thousands of arrests of left citizens, of hundreds of murders just within that month, and with no guarantees for a normal, legal and transparent holding of the elections. The supporters of this ‘view, even in this case, artificially separated the elections not only from these specific conditions but also from the movement’s perspective. They criticised the question of elections from a static view. They pretended that they do not know or they hid the fact that:

(a) all the non-CPG parties and organizations of the democratic alliance were intensively and insistently in favour of abstention;

(b) one month before, in February 1946, the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the CPG had realised that the march toward an armed fight was unavoidable, since Greek reaction and the English had decided to proceed towards it.

Participation in the rigged elections would have legalised the reactionary front and would have reinforced the electoral illusions of the Greek people, whereas the election result under no circumstances would have expressed honestly and clearly the people’s political conviction and the real political influence of the Left.

Participation in the election would have led the people, the popular movement and the CPG, into a vicious circle of contradictions and inequality, similar to that of 1944-1945 which was the cause of the political ‘capture’ and defeat of the movement. Nikos Zachariades in his last authorised text titled ‘Problems of the CPG’s crisis – contribution to the political discussion’, written in 1962 in exile in Siberia, referred to a great extent to the question of abstention and among other things he stressed:

‘In the decision taken during the 8th Conference [after Nikos Zachariades’ overthrow], it was said that abstention is a terrible mistake with serious consequences for the party and the democratic movement. The decision does not explain the content of this ‘terrible mistake’, but the meaning is clear. If we participated in the elections we would secure a peaceful evolution for Greece! Where to? It was similar to the essentially opportunist plan of Partsalides [revisionist leader] that was part of the policy of appeasing reaction and submitting to it. So Partsalides was trying, after what happened, to justify also the treason of Varkiza [the treaty of disarmament of the People’s Army that he signed]. In 1946, elections could under no circumstances play an important role other than to reinforce reaction. Only an opportunist to the bone could declare that if we had participated in the elections the whole evolution of Greece would have been different. This was not the truth. The English, with the support of the Committee of the United Nations which supervised the elections [the Soviet Union refused to participate in this committee, perhaps because she knew what was in the air], wanted to mislead us as to the rigged elections which they were preparing, in order to legalise through the parliament, with the people’s vote, the intervention of December 1944 and the issue of Varkiza and thus to impose the monarchist-fascist regime. This is the truth. The following is noteworthy too: The Committee of the UN allocated us 9.3% abstention votes. If we had participated in the elections it would have given us generously three times more. Thus, it would have secured the people’s stamp of approval in favour of monarchist-fascism and the occupation forces. Partsalides was pushing the movement in this direction, towards the ratification of the Treaty of Varkiza. Our weakness [Zachariades goes on] during that period was a different and decisive one. The masses hesitated because we laid down our arms; no other European movement did something so shameful. We betrayed them in December in Athens and in Varkiza; we betrayed Greece and the National Resistance. For this reason, today the Xians [fascist band named X] beat us up on the streets and keep us hidden in our holes. The whole attempt to recreate the party from the 12th Plenary Session [on 25th-27th of June 1945] (2) was leading exactly to this: to arouse the movement and the CPG again in order for them to fall in line with the historical demands of that critical period and the party did it until the 2nd Plenary Session in February [1946]. (3) Let us not forget that the party’s leadership at that time, even after December, still did not have any policy for the English which was worthy of the people and the CPG and as a result, regarding the English, the policy of submission of Plaka, Gazerta, Varkiza was continued. The battle cry ‘English Out Of Greece’ was heard only when the party was reconstructed in order to extricate itself from the shame that the Treaty of Varkiza attributed to us’.

N. Zachariades expressed, clearly and revealing the truth, his opinion on the issue of abstention from the elections of 1946. This position helps anyone who wants to draw more general conclusions on the situation, on the role and orientation of each individual. We think that through these two cases to which we referred – the most important ones of that period and the most important ones regarding the political controversy within the movement – clear and useful conclusions can be drawn; conclusions concerning the lines within the CPG, the revolutionary and the opportunist line. This conflict between lines has determined the facts for the next two decades and until now, in the contemporary epoch, and is related to the need and duty of reconstructing the movement on the basis of the principles of scientific socialism of Marx-Engels-Lenin-Stalin.

Endnotes:

1. 3rd conference of the CPG from October 10-14, 1950, Introductions, Speeches, Decisions.

2. The Plenary Sessions were meetings of the Central Committee of the CPG between the Congresses. The numbering of the Plenary Sessions restarts in the event of a congress. The 12th Plenary Session of June 1945 took place between the 6th and the 7th Congress of the CPG. The 7th Congress took place in the autumn of 1945.

3. The 2nd Plenary Session took place exactly a year after the treacherous Treaty of Varkiza.

The Political Committee of the Movement of the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-1955

Source

US Ambassador Echoes Cecil Rhodes

By Stephen Gowans
September 24, 2011 – http://gowans.wordpress.com

When in 1916 Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin expounded what historian V.G. Kiernan would later call virtually the only serious theory of imperialism, despite its shortcomings (1), Lenin cited Cecil Rhodes as among the “leading British bourgeois politicians (who) fully appreciated the connection between what might be called the purely economic and the political-social roots of modern imperialism.” (2)

Rhodes, founder of the diamond company De Beers and of the eponymous Rhodesia, had made the following remarks, which Lenin quoted at length in his Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism.

I was in the East End of London yesterday and attended a meeting of the unemployed. I listened to the wild speeches, which were just a cry for ‘bread,’ ‘bread,’ ‘bread,’ and on my way home I pondered over the scene and I became more than ever convinced of the importance of imperialism … My cherished idea is a solution for the social problem, i.e., in order to save the 40,000,000 inhabitants of the United Kingdom from a bloody civil war, we colonial statesmen must acquire new lands to settle the surplus population, to provide new markets for the goods produced by them in factories and mines. The Empire, as I have always said, is a bread and butter question. If you want to avoid civil war, you must become imperialists. (3)

Skip ahead 95 years. Here’s US ambassador to Libya, Gene A. Cretz:

We know that oil is the jewel in the crown of Libyan natural resources, but even in Qaddafi’s time they were starting from A to Z in terms of building infrastructure and other things. If we can get American companies here on a fairly big scale, which we will try to do everything we can to do that, then this will redound to improve the situation in the United States with respect to our own jobs. (4)

New York Times’ reporter David D. Kirkpatrick noted that “Libya’s provisional government has already said it is eager to welcome Western businesses (and)…would even give its Western backers some ‘priority’ in access to Libyan business.” (5)

A bread and butter question. Also a profit-making one.

What Ahmadinejad really said at the UN

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s address to the 66th UN General Assembly meeting provided the Iranian president with the usual occasion to make the usual points and the Western media the usual occasion to misrepresent them.

Wall Street Journal reporter Jay Solomon wrote that Ahmadinejad “sought to stoke controversy by again questioning the Holocaust,” (6) reminding readers that Ahmadinejad had once called for Israel to be “wiped off the map”, a distortion that will live on in history through its mere retelling. (What the Iranian president really said was that Israel would dissolve as the Soviet Union had.)

I read the transcript of Ahmadinejad’s address, but found no questioning of the Nazi-engineered holocaust.

Here are his remarks on Zionism and the Holocaust.

They view Zionism as a sacred notion and ideology. Any question of its very foundation and history is condemned by them as an unforgivable sin.

Who imposed, through deceits and hypocrisy, the Zionism and over sixty years of war, homelessness, terror and mass murder on the Palestinian people and countries of the region?

If some European countries still use the Holocaust, after six decades, as the excuse to pay fine or ransom to the Zionists, should it not be an obligation upon the slave masters or colonial powers to pay reparations to the affected nations?

By using their imperialistic media network which is under the influence of colonialism they threaten anyone who questions the Holocaust and the September 11 events with sanctions and military action. (7)

It would have been more accurate for Solomon to have written that Ahmadinejad sought to stoke controversy by again questioning the legitimacy of Zionism and the manipulative use of the Nazi-perpetrated holocaust to justify it.

But these themes are unmentionable in the Western corporate media.

It is common practice to capitalize the Nazi-engineered effort to exterminate the Jews as the ‘Holocaust’, as if there had never been any other holocaust—or any at rate, any other worth mentioning. Even the transcript of Ahmadinjad’s address refers to ‘the Holocaust’ rather than ‘a holocaust.’

The Justice Process

It seems that the only argument US president Barak Obama could muster for why Palestinian Authority president Mahmoud Abbas shouldn’t seek recognition of a Palestinian state at the UN is that the ‘peace process’ would be derailed.

Let’s lay aside the obvious difficulty of Barak the Bomber caring about peace, and that the ‘peace process’ has been off the rails for some time. His objection missed the point. Recognition of a Palestinian state isn’t a question of the peace process but of the justice process, and hardly a very satisfying one at that. What justice is there in Palestinians settling for one fifth of their country? Which is what, in any practical sense, UN recognition of the Palestinian territories as a state would amount to.

But it’s better than the status quo and a starting point.

For Zionists, the peace process is a little more appealing, but is the opposite of the justice process. It means getting Palestinians to settle for even less than one-fifth of their country, and to acknowledge the theft of it as legitimate.

An aside: Over 30 countries do not recognize Israel, among them Cuba, Venezuela, North Korea, Iran and Syria.

Rational Ignoramuses?

Do those who promote what Keynes called the fallacy of thrift (or fallacy of austerity, to give it a contemporary spin) really believe what they preach: that cutting pensions, laying off public servants, raising taxes on the poor, and closing government programs, is the way to avert a deeper economic crisis for the bulk of us?

Do they even care about the bulk of us?

Or is austerity simply a way of bailing out bankers and bondholders by bleeding the rest of us dry?

British prime minister David Cameron, on a trip to Canada to compare notes with fellow deficit-hawk Stephen Harper, the Canadian PM, remarked that “Highly indebted households and governments simply cannot spend their way out of a debt crisis. The more they spend, the more debts will rise and the fundamental problem will grow.” (8)

This was reported with tacit nods of approval in Canada’s corporate press, as if Cameron’s utterings were incontrovertible, rather than the ravings of an economic illiterate (in the view of economists), or the words of a political con artist (in the view of class struggle literates.)

Highly indebted governments simply cannot cut their way out of an economic crisis. The more they cut, the more aggregate demand weakens and the worse it gets. Greece’s continued slide into economic ruin underscores the point. The United States’ inability to drag itself out of the depths of the Great Depression, until arms orders brought the economy back to life, strikes an historical cautionary note.

But recessions are not without benefits for corporate plutocrats. It’s easier to cut wages, salaries and benefits during downturns, and to enjoy bigger profits as a result. Small competitors can be driven out of business. Unions can be weakened. And governments have an excuse to slash social programs that have pushed the balance of power a little too far in labor’s direction. Indeed, all manner of sacrifices can be extracted from most of us if we’re persuaded that debt is the cause of the problem and that belt-tightening is the physic that will cure it.

My bet is that Cameron and his fellow water carriers for moneyed interests are no dummies — but they’re hoping the rest of us are.

Knowing Who Your Friends Are

Here is the widely reviled (by Western governments) Robert Mugabe, president of Zimbabwe, at the 66th session of the UN General Assembly.

After over twenty thousand NATO bombing sorties that targeted Libyan towns, including Tripoli, there is now unbelievable and most disgraceful scramble by some NATO countries for Libyan oil, indicating thereby that the real motive for their aggression against Libya was to control and own its abundant fuel resources. What a shame!

Yesterday, it was Iraq and Bush and Blair were the liars and aggressors as they made unfounded allegations of possessions of weapons of mass destruction. This time it is the NATO countries the liars and aggressors as they make similarly unfounded allegations of destruction of civilian lives by Gaddafi.

We in Africa are also duly concerned about the activities of the International Criminal Court (ICC) which seems to exist only for alleged offenders of the developing world, the majority of them Africans. The leaders of the powerful Western States guilty of international crime, like Bush and Blair, are routinely given the blind eye. Such selective justice has eroded the credibility of the ICC on the African continent.

My country fully supports the right of the gallant people of Palestine to statehood and membership of this U.N. Organisation. The U.N. must become credible by welcoming into its bosom all those whose right to attain sovereign independence and freedom from occupation and colonialism is legitimate. (9)

It’s clear why he’s reviled by imperialists, but also by leftists?

If the Movement for Democratic Change’s Morgan Tsvangirai, favorite of the West, ever becomes president, expect a very different kind of address at future General Assembly meetings.

NOTES:

1. V.G. Kiernan, Marxism and imperialism, St. Martin’s Press, New York, 1974.

2. V. I. Lenin, Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism, International Publishers, New York. 1939. p 78.

3. Ibid. p 79.

4. David D. Kirkpatrick, “U.S. reopens its embassy in Libya”, The New York Times, September 22, 2011.

5. Ibid.

6. Jay Solomon, “Iran adds Palestine statehood wrinkle”, The Wall Street Journal, September 23, 2011.

7. www.president.ir/en/?ArtID=30573

8. Campbell Clark, “Cameron, Harper preach restraint in teeth of global ‘debt crisis’”, The Globe and Mail, September 22, 2011

9. http://nehandaradio.com/2011/09/24/full-text-of-robert-mugabe-speech-at-un-assembly/

Source

Greek unions call strike December 1


Greece’s two main unions GSEE (the General Confederation of Greek Workers) – ADEDY (the Civil Servants’ Confederation) have called a 24-hour general strike December 1 to protest government plans to pass new austerity measures including spending cuts, tax increase and state-asset sales.


The Movement for the Reorganisation of the KKE 1918-55
supports the strike and has released posters, flyers, etc. to support the struggle.

Source

KKE 1918-55: Comrade Stella Delifoti passed away

On July 6 the EAM-ELAS fighter and the glorious Democratic Army of Greece (DSE) guerilla Comrade Stella Delifoti died and buried in her village. She left her last breath in Athens, where she lived after the return from Poland.

Comrade Stella was born in 1926 in the village of Dress Pella, where she grew up.

During the triple fascist occupation (1941-44) of the country by the German-Italian-Bulgarian troops she fought against the invaders in the ranks of EAM-ELAS. She organized in her village in National Liberation Front (EAM) in October 1942 and took active part in the struggle of our people.

After the liberation of our country and the treacherous Varkiza agreement, with peak the delivery of arms, she was expelled, along with tens of thousands of fighters “from the state of the intolerant right”, as she reported in a self-biographical note: “I crawled to prison, was beaten and reviled.”

Later, following the new blare invitational (1946) of the Revolutionary Communist Party, by its great leader communist leader Nikos Zachariadis, she came to the mountains and fought from the ranks of the glorious and heroic Democratic Army of Greece (DSE) the local monarch-fascists and the American imperialists.

After the decline of DSE she went as a political refugee in the great country of socialism, the Soviet Union of the great Stalin, in the city of Tashkent, capital of Uzbekistan, where she worked in production. She took yet active part in party life and she always faithfully and consistently defending the revolutionary line of the Communist Party.

During the open, raw and brutal intervention of the traitorous clique of Khrushchev-Brezhnev-Mikogian etc. to our heroic Party in September of ’55, comrade Stella Delifoti actively defended the line of the Communist Party and its Central Committee against a handful of right-wing opportunists traitors of the clique Demetriou-Chatouras-Rossis-Tsolakis etc.

In the bloody conflict in Tashkent (9-10 September 1955), which was directed by the Khrushchevit revisionists and was instrumented by minimum opportunists, she was arrested for defending the revolutionary line by the Soviet Security, along with many hundreds of communist ELAS-DSE guerillas and incarcerated for months in the fascist Khrushchev-Brezhnev dungeons of Tashkent.

After her release, she continued her revolutionary activities like always and kept actively following the revolutionary line and obstinately defending the revolutionary path of Stalin-Zachariadis.

She was expelled, like thousands of communists, but actively continuing the struggle against Khrushchevite revisionism both in Tashkent and later in Poland.

Returning to Greece from exile she continued the struggle against Khrushchevite revisionism, associated with the “Movement for Reorganization of the Communist Party 1918-55”, disseminate and always defended the revolutionary line of Stalin-Zachariadis.

Despite her health problems which she had last year, she never lost her optimism and enviable fighting spirit/

The communist Delifoti Stella was one of those fighters who her companions and comrades appreciated the militancy in the struggle for the interests of the working class and her consistency to the revolutionary communist principles. She was an uncompromising defender of the revolutionary work of Stalin-Zachariadis and all Communist guerillas with courage and frank behavior.

The Political Committee of the Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55

The Political Committee of the “Movement for the Reorganisation of the Communist Party of Greece 1918-55″
PO Box 3689, 102 10 Athens
Greece
Tel: +30 2108621543
Site: http://anasintaxi.awardspace.com
Blog (English): http://anasintaxi-en.blogspot.com
Blog (Greek): http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com

Source

Cold War: a Marxist view

The Revolutionary Highway Has No Exits – The History of the Cold War

By Arlen Tracey

The Cold War, a global conflict between the United States and its allies in Western Europe, against the Soviet Union and its allies around the world, was a conflict that evolved and twisted itself over its decades of existence.

It is important to acknowledge that throughout the war, the emphasis and goals of both sides changed numerous times. A historical record must be made of the evolving positions of the Soviet, Chinese, Albanian, Yugoslavian, and United States governments.

Stalin Wanted Peace

The “Cold War” began, according to historians, at the end of World War Two, when the Soviet Union and the United States ended their war-time alliance.

The most ignored aspect of the opening of the cold war was the fact that the Soviet Union had calculated the opposite occurrence. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union predicted, expected, and hoped for period of “peace” among the “Democratic Powers.”

The actions of the Soviet Union even as the war was still in the process of ending, but especially in the few years immediately following it, were devoted to doing its best to prevent any conflict between the US and the USSR.

The Tehran Accords, signed by Stalin, Churchill, and Roosevelt, made clear that these “democratic powers” were to be united after the war. Soviet-American-British cooperation was to be the order of the day following the war, according to the accords.

In order to appease the British and Americans, the Soviets demanded that the French Communist Party agree to withdraw from the French Government, even though it had won a clear majority in the post-war elections. The Italian Partisan Brigades, which had fought the Nazis and were led by Communists, laid down their arms without a shot, and allowed a “democratic government” which excluded to them to take hold.

In the U.S., the Communist Party dissolved itself and became the “Communist Political Association.”

But this was not enough for the imperialists. They never intended to have unity with the “democratic powers” of the Soviet Union. Stalin’s attempts to appease the capitalists in the post war period were of no avail.

Hitler’s staunch allies who led the fascist regimes Spain and Portugal were embraced by the United States and Britain. The forces fighting for democracy against the Pro-Fascist Greek Monarchy found the U.S. and Britain sending guns to their oppressors.

In China, though the Chinese Communist Party had done the bulk of the fighting against the Japanese Imperialists, it was blocked from the government, and again suffering persecution by U.S. backed despot named Chiang Kia-shek.

U.S. military bases were set up in West Germany. U.S. Communists endured the horrific “McCarthy Period” in which they were forced into semi-underground status, and the entire leadership of their organizations were jailed.

In response to this, Stalin’s mild policies of peace and cooperation with the west reversed. The Soviet Union led the World Communist Movement into a “left turn.”

In Response to Aggression, Stalin Turns Left

It was in response to this that the USSR turned away from it post-war “world democratic peace” policies and became a cold warrior. The Chinese Communist Party took up arms and defeated the U.S. backed “nationalist” government and established a socialist regime. The Warsaw Pact created unity among the “People’s Democracies” of Eastern Europe, who rapidly moved to place the Communist Parties in command of the “Democratic Fronts” created during WWII.

In 1949, Chinese Communist Party, due to its popular support was victorious, and removed the U.S. backed dictatorship of the Nationalists.

The Koreans attempted to re-unify their country, and overthrow the U.S. backed dictator, Syngman Rhee, who held power in the South. The U.S. imperialists could not tolerate Korean Re-Unification and the “Korean War” erupted.

In 1948, the U.S. Communist Party, directed by the Soviet Union, abandoned the Democratic Party, which it had supported since 1936. Since 1936, the Communist had always run independent candidates for symbolic purposes, but voted for the Democratic Party in the name of creating a “people’s coalition”, but in 1948, the Communist devoted all their forces to the Progressive Party of Henry Wallace.

Aid to people in Africa and Asia from the Soviet Union increased. The feeling of the Soviet Union was that “peaceful co-existence”, once offered at the end of the war, had been met with betrayal, and that the only hope for survival of the USSR was a stronger, world revolution.

No summing up or self-criticism of the earlier policies with Italy, France, and elsewhere was made publicly, however, it should be noted. However, this can be justified by an understanding that doing so might undermine the credibility of the leaders who made the errors, who still held power.

In 1945, the U.S. Communist Party did expelled Earl Browder, who was the symbol of the classless, pro-imperialist, “democracy” brand of Socialism that marked the war years.

The only internally known vocal opponent of Stalin’s turn toward world revolution within the socialist camp was Tito. Tito headed Yugoslavia, and in 1948, at the same time Stalin was embracing revolution as a response to aggression, announced the opposite position.

Tito proclaimed his opposition to “Stalinist Expansionism” and “Soviet Domination.” He aligned himself with the United States during the Korean Conflict, and in response was given millions of dollars in “aid.” Tito also began to implement “workplace democracy”, which in reality, meant the break up of the state industries created after the war, into small, capitalist corporations.

Tito denounced world revolution as “aggression” and socialist economics as “dogmatism”, throwing Stalin’s name in with both. The words of Stalin for Tito were fiery and critical. Albania’s criticism was equally fiery.

Mao briefly flirted with Tito, before shortly afterward condemning him.

The 20th Party Congress and Revisionism

When Stalin died in 1954 this opened the floodgates for an internal Communist Party fight that had been under the surface for decades, heating up most intensely at that moment.

The “right opposition” of Bukharin, who had opposed a socialist economy for a “market socialism”, and had opposed world revolution but wanted “peaceful co-existence” still existed. They had been suppressed while Stalin was alive, and had no following as Stalin opposed them, and Stalin was so beloved by all who fought against U.S. imperialism and Nazism.

The fight went on for 2 years after Stalin’s death as no longer did the forces defending world revolution and socialist economics have Stalin’s leadership to rally behind.

In 1956 Nikita Khrushchev, leader of the Neo-Bukharinists, gave the “secret speech” at the 20th Party Congress. His speech went into detail attacking Stalin on personal grounds, repeating the very content of Hearst Newspaper and Anti-Communist slander.

The speech was “secret” from the people of the Soviet Union, but was circulated throughout the world in order to make clear that the new Soviet leaders were not “revolutionaries” like Stalin, but believers in “peaceful co-existence” and “cooperation.”

Pro-Stalin leaders were jailed and executed. Pro-Stalin literature was burned. China and Albania were silent about the policies at first, hoping they could be corrected without a huge conflict.

The first acts of Khrushchev was to attempt to restore the relationship with Tito in Yugoslavia. Khrushchev had numerous meetings with Tito, and did all he could, unsuccessfully to win Yugoslavia to being friendly toward the Soviet Union.

In 1956, rightists and fascist rose up in Hungary to overthrow socialism and install a pro-western dictatorship. Khrushchev attempted to have dialogue with openly Pro-Nazi Priests and other Neo-Fascists within the regime. Khrushchev also refused to receive the input from the Hungarian leaders about how to deal with the counter-revolutionary uprising.

Finally, he sent in the Red Army to crush them, and symbolically, the Chinese Communist Party sent some of its own troops as well.

China & Albania Speak Out and are Punished

In response to Khrushchev’s open lack of support revolution around the world, Mao Zedong and Enver Hoxha loudly denounced the ideology of Khrushchev. They praised Stalin for the left turn prior to his death, and preached that it was the duty of Communists to support people in Asia, Africa, Latin America, and elsewhere who wanted revolution against colonialism.

They denounced the manner in which Khrushchev sought to negotiate and make peace with capitalism, and his various scheming attempts to de-socialize the Soviet economy and move toward “market socialism” as Tito had done.

China and Albania’s calls were not hostile denunciation, but rather soft spoken critiques. But this was too much for Khrushchev.

While Khrushchev always wanted dialogue and negotiation with the U.S. imperialists and with rightists like Tito and the elements in Hungary, he offered no such understanding to China and Albania.

The USSR cut off diplomatic relations with Albania and China, something never even done to the Nazis. In both China and Albania, soviet engineers and technicians burned their blueprints, and left buildings half built.

In China, the economy had depended on foreign aid from the USSR, and the punishing vengeance of Khrushchev forced an economic disaster as the country was forced to re-organize its economy at the drop of hat.

USSR and USA align for “Peace” Against World Revolution

After the Cuban Missile Crisis, the Soviet Union announced that Kennedy was their friend. The battle cry of the Soviet leadership became “world peace.” All who opposed world peace, whether they be the Africans who fought against colonial domination, or the people of Indonesia who sought to elect a socialist government, were the enemy.

Mao, Hoxha, and Che Guevara thunderously preached that it was the duty of third world people to fight against imperialism. Khrushchev and the leaders of the USSR were convinced that “world peace” depended on them keeping these “ultra-lefts” in line.

Khrushchev called for Mao and Hoxha’s overthrow as they were “brutal dictators.” Khrushchev denounced China for seeking atomic weapons.

The USSR urged the people of Vietnam to drop their weapons and “negotiate” the continued existence of the U.S. backed dictatorship in South Vietnam.

It seemed that in their desire to suppress world revolution there was a temporary alliance between the United States and the Soviet Union’s leaders.

The Soviet leaders, acting as social democratic sellouts always do, lectured the figures within their own movement to “slow down” and “stop being so extreme.” It is likely that Khrushchev wanted to go even further with this betrayal, which is why he was removed in coup, and replaced by Kosygin and Brezhnev in 1964. But for the moment, the policies continued.

China and Albania were the fire of the left screaming for world revolution. Cuba, Korea, and the German Democratic Republic walked the “middle of the road”, trying to negotiate with both sides.

The USSR continued to say that revolution was immoral, as it would “provoke” the U.S. imperialists to use atomic weapons.

The Shift of 1972

In 1972, there was a rapid shift in the cold war. No longer were the Soviet and U.S. leaders united in their opposition to world revolution. Now, China was actively fighting the cold war on the side of the U.S., Albania was confused and silent, and the Soviet Union became the main target of U.S. hatred.

In 1972, Nixon was welcomed into China and greeted as a hero. The Chinese government proclaimed that the “main danger” was the Soviet Union. China proclaimed that supporting Marxist-Leninist parties in third world countries was “Social Imperialism.”

China instead embraced leaders like the Shah of Iran who represented the “indigenous identity of the people.” It was better to have a pro-U.S. capitalist leader than to have a revolutionary one who was loyal to the USSR.

China was aligned with the U.S., not against world revolution, but against the Soviet Union.

Chinese allied rebel groups in the third world, which had been constructed in order to defy the Soviet policy of “peace”, suddenly were embracing U.S. dictators as “defense” from the “Soviet Social Imperialists.”

The only “revolution” that China would support would be a revolution to overthrow a pro-Soviet government. China’s internal policy no longer spoke of revolution or Communism, but of “third world unity” against “Soviet Social Imperialism.”

This policy began in 1972, but continued after Mao’s death. In 1979 China invaded Vietnam to “liberate” it from “Soviet Social Imperialism.” China funded the Mujaheddin in Afghanistan along with the U.S. China sent weapons and aid to the Shah of Iran, and denounced the Iranian revolution as a “Social Imperialist Plot.”

Albania denounced this, an as resulted in a period of isolation with horrific economic consequences. China, Albania’s only ally, was gone. Albania was a lone, small, isolated nation, which claimed to be the only socialist country in the world amidst “Soviet and Chinese Social Imperialism.”

The USSR’s Response

In response to China openly siding with the United States, the USSR began to no longer distance itself from revolutionary causes around the world. The Soviet Union, which had previously discouraged people in Latin America, Africa, and Asia from fighting back, instead, openly championed such things.

The African National Congress, which the USSR had discouraged from taking up arms against apartheid, now received Soviet money and weapons. The Cubans became the icon of the Soviet Union’s world revolutionary camp, as did the Koreans.

The USSR embraced U.S. revolutionary Angela Davis and highlighted her as a symbol of Black Liberation in the U.S.

The USSR began to “talk left”, while at the same accusing all who criticized them of being “Maoists”, a world that would that became synonymous with “Trotskyite.”

The response of the U.S. was to intensify its brutality toward the USSR. Contra death squads were sent throughout Latin America to commit fascistic crimes against the people.

Reagan waved his arms preaching about a “world crusade against Bolshevism” in ways that would make Adolph Hitler jealous.

The Crack of 1989

The cold war ended officially in 1991 with the collapse of the USSR, but by 1989 the battle was lost. Gorbachev led a section of the Communist Party that was politically to the right of Khrushchev. They denounced the “working class” in favor “universal humanism” and other nonsensical, non-Marxist ideas.

Margaret Thatcher and Reagan found in Gorbachev’s and his followers to be “Communist leaders we can do business with” because they weren’t “war mongering” like their predecessors, i.e. they were open to surrender.

Gorbachev opened the economy, and let the west pour in. His “market socialism” made Yugoslavia’s look dogmatic.

The cold war ended because China and the USSR had both become dominated by leaders who abandoned any will to fight. With Pro-U.S. forces in power in Russia and China, there was no arms race to be had.

Why?

The cold war was ended, not by a flaw in Communism, not by a lack of ability to “negotiate” on the part of the Soviet leaders, but the opposite.

Neither the leaders of the USSR nor of China were purely committed to the ideology of Marxism-Leninism. They had both become infected with careerism and revisionism. They both found comfort and peace, and abandoned their will to fight.

It was treason and lack of endurance that caused the horrific events of 1991.

The majority of the Communist Parties were filled elements without principles. The parties were also disconnected from the masses, so even the non-revisionist elements within them could not mobilize a defense of the revolution properly.

The only way the imperialists were able to instill the massive set backs of 1991 was because of the very “revisionism” we see in modern times.

It is always easier to be wrong than to be right. It is always a more comfortable life to accommodate and befriend the oppressors.

The most successful period of the cold war was Stalin’s left turn before his death. Sure, he got caught up in illusions during the war. But Stalin’s response to U.S. imperialist backstabbing was different than Khrushchev or Mao.

Stalin saw that being attacked by the imperialists called not for being more moderate, but for being more radical and hostile.

Did this make his life easier? Did this make them like him more?

No. But it strengthened world revolution like nothing else.

Life in 1930s Germany was much easier for “Good Germans” than for underground resistance fighters. Now “good Germans” live in shame.

Life in the Southern U.S. in the early 1960s was much easier for members of the KKK, than for Civil Rights Movement. But now there is Martin Luther King holiday, while the KKK is the subject of jokes, denial, and ridicule.

Progress comes through struggle and confrontation.

The essence of revisionism is refusal to accept the reality of being a revolutionary.

Revolution is a difficult life. It is an uphill battle. It is a road without short-cuts.

Its final victory is the most glorious of all.

But the journey does not end. As long as oppression exists, revolutionaries must fight oppression.

The revolutionary highway has no exits.

The journey must continue until Communism is reached. Reaction will inevitably begin, when the thrust for progress halts.

Source

Political Resolution of the XIth of the CC of the PCMLV

After evaluating several plenary sessions during the global situation, we reaffirm our view that we move in successive cyclical crises which are expressed as economic reality, which is deepened especially in the imperialist countries, such as determining component of the general crisis of capitalism, which also of economic base of political and social, creating conditions for moving to a new stage, mixed by wars and revolutions, with high conflict and total decomposition of capitalist society. It is clear that the situation remains tense in the world, continues to deepen the crisis of global capitalism. Riots, demonstrations, war characterize the current moment of world reality.

Expression of this situation is the deepening of the imperialist war against Libya are, we see daily attacks against this country are increasing, and increasingly critical support of the international bourgeois institutions becomes more evident. The bombings are constant and assumptions are civilians who after all end up paying with their lives intemperate attacks of the imperialist forces NATO , Orphans, mothers weeping for their children, this is the scenario that world imperialism has built in this North African country. Unabashedly, the imperialists stole the Libyan people’s money was deposited in European banks, in order to put to the disposal of its interest warmongers. Use the money to strengthen a government coalition made up of reactionary pro-Yankees. About 200 billion dollars of Libya’s international reserves were blocked and placed at the service of imperialism, in addition to this stolen oil, the major facilities and fresh water reserves in this country.

This initially appeared as a political agreement between the imperialist powers to attack Libya, example of this was the position of China and Russia who did not realize their power of veto to prevent the invasion, then the situation worsened, the resistance the Libyan people are maintained over time, setting a problem to be solved by the imperialist powers who doubt the military intervention by land to stop these terrible negative balances and a high political and economic costs.

We understand that this aggression, as well as others made covertly, are part of the imperialist struggle for a new division of the world and are the basis on which to structure the new relationship between world powers, which leads to more wars. The deepening U.S. economic downturn will lead to more conflicts and even wars among the imperialist powers to resolve its economic contradictions.

Another country that is suffering the ravages of imperialist interference, it is Syria, where the imperialists operate in a different format, a little more discreet, are acting from intelligence agencies, on behalf of groups opposed to President Bashar Al Assad. The characteristics of the Syrian government suggests a family relationship in the areas of power, as in the case of the brother of the president who controls one of the divisions of the army and his brother who controls the intelligence services. Some try to locate the essence of this situation on tribal or ethnic differences, trying to hide the fact that regardless of their ethnic peoples seek structural changes that allow them a chance to get a better life. But improving the brevity of life is impossible in a system where the interests of capitalism are the ones that take precedence over the interests of the people and workers in general, it is clear that the intelligence services of imperialism have been mixed in with the riots try to work the ground for possible future interventions.

The acts of sabotage that the governments of Israel and the U.S. made in this country to seek also weaken Iran, Syria partner in oil and industry, hence the conflict to pursue the control of oil reserves and energy, not only this country, if not the entire region.

Importantly, the position taken by China and Russia to Libya with a complicit silence was modified with respect to the situation in Syria, as the worsening social conflict in this country, both exercised their weight as members of the Security Council to make it clearly did not support any intervention in Syria. This is due to a very momentous, Syria offered its territory to transport fuel to other countries, including Russia, making clear that Russia is involved when the conflict is economic interests are at stake with an intervention . Just to mention some good data to say that at the beginning of 2000 the trade exchange between Syria and Russia exceeded 100 million dollars, and for 2005 exceeded $ 300 million, and has continued to increase. Although it is noteworthy that these figures, in general trade of these countries, expressing only a small part of Syria’s debt to Russia, bringing the cumulative three billion dollars. This is complemented by a major military exchange. Syria even has a Russian military base on its territory, which of course must also defend the Russian government when assessing their positions and interests. A similar situation occurs with China in turn is carving the way to deepen political relations with Syria, which promises not only an intensification of efforts to control these countries, and another part of the imperialists, if not also possible contradictions between them.

In Europe, continues to advance the tension, we see the conflict in Greece again takes place in the international news, as workers have returned to the streets to develop their protests against economic measures imposed by international agencies. In Italy, the third largest economy in the euro area is expected to increase the impact of the crisis. France, imperialist country that currently is playing important role in the aggression worn in North Africa as some of the so-called Maghreb countries were colonies of France, so this, now try to regain influence and control as before, on these countries to try to secure their resources.

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New U.S. imperialist provocation and pro-American government of South Korea against the Democratic Republic of Korea

KFA Greece (Greek-Korean Friendship Association)

PYONGYANG, 23 Νοεμβρίου

The Army of the People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) responded to the fire of the artillery of South Korea after Tuesday, November 23 in the afternoon “decisive military action.”

The pro-American government of South Korea has insisted on carrying out military exercises close to the border line, ignoring repeated warnings from the Democratic Republic of Korea. The South Korean army launched a shot repeatedly in the direction of PR

Korea, resulting in several dozen South Korean missiles falling around the island Yonphyong at 1:00 pm local time Tuesday afternoon. These relate to today’s announcement of the Supreme Command of the Korean People’s Army (KPA).

The Korean People’s Army responded immediately to a military provocation in South Korea a “decisive military action.”

“The reaction of the Korean People’s Army is the stable and specific way to deal with ruthless firing of agents provocateurs” in accordance with the announcement of the Supreme Command of the Korean People’s Army.

“If South Korea has dared to invade the waters of the PDR of Korea, the Korean People’s Army will not hesitate to proceed to mercilessly military countermeasures,” warned the military command of DR Korea.

The new provocation of the puppet government of South Korea ‘coincide’:

• With the implementation of large-scale military exercise (challenge), which involved more than 70,000 troops of all the South Korean army corps, which started on Monday 22/11 and is scheduled to last until 30 November.

• By visiting U.S. special envoy to the region, Stephen Bosworth, who landed in Seoul a few hours before provocation (Monday 22/11). The Bosworth after his meeting with South Korean Minister

Foreign Affairs Kim Sung-Huan, said provocatively way: “It is neither surprising nor a revelation that the present DF Korea has made” rapid progress “in uranium enrichment but unpleasant challenge ‘

The KFA Greece calls on the Greek people to react and to actively support the heroic people of the DPRK taking part in a protest march to be held Friday in the direction of U.S. Consulates

Collection in Athens at 6:30 pm at Mars Area and Thessaloniki at 6:00 pm at the Statue of Venizelos

ICMLPO General Resolution

International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations 17th Plenum

Madrid October 2011

The Plenary Session of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO) was successfully held in Madrid with the participation of almost all the member parties and organizations from Europe, the Americas, Africa and Asia.

Throughout the sessions, and after reviewing the work of the parties in their respective countries, the Plenary took note of the inability of capital to resolve the general crisis with the various methods that it has used so far.

Unemployment and misery are affecting millions of workers, and particularly young people and women, both in the main imperialist economies as well as in the dependent countries. The neoliberal programs and policies have not resolved the great difficulties of the system much less the situation of the working class and the peoples.

New sectors of the workers and popular masses are joining the struggle for their rights: the youth, public employees, the unemployed, immigrants are defending the gains won through decades of combat and are trying out new forms of struggle and unity; they are learning precious lessons that raise the level of consciousness of the broad masses and are putting forward objectives of greater significance against capitalism; the advanced sectors are looking at the objectives of socialism.

The idea that the weight of the crisis should fall on the class that has caused it and not on its victims is already a widely shared objective, even an outcry. In Europe, the U.S. and Latin America, the workers are confronting the policies of privatization, cutbacks in social services and plundering; in sub-Sahara Africa, the peoples are resisting being made the battlefield of the imperialist looters; in Asia the workers are carrying out great strike movements and are heroically resisting the imperialist military occupation.

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Unilateral entire debt suspension of payments – Greece out of Euro-EMU-European Union


Against the current strategic choice of the local big capital to keep the country inside Euro-EMU-EU

Today, in 2010, the working class and the popular working masses are undoubtedly confronted with a negative and extremely painful financial-political condition for their class interests, as a result of the global financial crisis and the bankruptcy of the Greek economy, which have led to an intensification of the country’s dependence from the EU and the IMF, through the imposition of the Memorandum and the demolition of workers’ and people’s rights. The imposition of the Memorandum has been justified as necessary to reduce the deficit and foreign debt, but its real objective is the intensification of workers’ exploitation of by foreign and local capital. This is a novel condition, the existence of which has to be initially verified and recognized, and then analyzed. These are necessary premises for the designation of the content and correct orientation of the class struggle of the working class in the current very difficult and crucial period.

The country’s current financial-political condition is characterized by:

1. the deep crisis and bankruptcy of economy,

2. occupation by the “troika” of Commission-ECB-IMF,

3. violent abolition of all workers’ conquests,

4. deterioration of the relations between Greece and EU, to the country’s detriment.

A. Global crisis and the collapse of the Greek economy

The crisis that keeps on shattering the entire capitalist world, as well as our country, burned out for years to come, in the hell that created massive unemployment of hundreds of millions of unemployed-half-unemployed humans, great poverty, hunger and the absolute immiseration of billions on the planet, the final illusory glow of the widely advertised by recently faded myth of capitalist “prosperity”, as well as the celebrated jabbers-myths of bourgeois and revisionist economist about “full employment,” “elimination of unemployment,” and a capitalist development “undisrupted by crises.”

Regardless of its existent singularities and main features as well as the way in which it broke out, this crisis is, as all the previous ones, a cyclical crisis of over-production, the root and cause of which exists within the fundamental contradiction of capitalism, which the other contradictions of this exploitative system are also connected with: the “the contradiction between the social character of production and the private form of its appropriation.”

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Series on Maoist Revisionism: On the “Socialism” of the Maoist Revisionists


From the Journal “Reorganization” by the KKE (1918-1955)

The issue of socialism is today one of the most central positions in political and ideological struggle taking place between the Marxists – Leninists and revisionists of all shades (Khrushchev, Tito, Chinese, Euro-Communists).

In theory, the scientific understanding of socialism to find pleria formulated and integrated in the works of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin. Prachtika socialism first built in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin (1917 -1953) and now successfully built LSD in Albania, which is the only truly socialist country in the world.

The revisionists of all shades from a grossly distorting the Marxist conception of Marxism and propagate various anti-Marxist perceptions that have nothing to do with scientific socialism and the other advertised as “socialism” to capitalism that exists in the revisionist countries (USSR, Yugoslavia, Poland, China, etc.).

The revisionist “K” JV defense and wants to build in our country called “real socialism” of the current Soviet Union ie palinorthomeno capitalism that prevails there.

The various revisionist Maoist organizations and groups defending the “Chinese socialism.” Some of them want to build “socialism” of China by Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping (NCSR “,” NCSR-ML KKE “:” The PR China is a country of socialism “, Materials of the first Unionist Congress 1984, p. 87), while others such as “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party” (Proletarian Flag), “Communist Party Marxist-Leninist” (Political Left “) and” The Movement for the reconstruction of Marxist – Leninist movement “only” socialism “of Mao Zedong that capitalism in China, which dominated the season. The latter believe that after the death of Mao, “palinorthothike capitalism” (most recently, in January this year, the “Proletarian Flag” speaks for “restoration of capitalism” in China).

However, as demonstrated by Comrade Enver Hoxha’s famous work Imperialism and the Revolution, Mao Zedong “was not Marxist – Leninist, but a democrat, progressive revolutionary, who was for a long time leader of the Communist Party of China and played an important role in victory of the Chinese anti-imperialist democratic revolution “(p. 315) and even that” Mao Zedong is anti-Marxist and “Mao Zedong thought is anti-Marxist” (p. 316).

Because of anti-Marxist perceptions of Mao Zedong and the Chinese party, China could not move and did not ever achieve socialism. It took over the city – a democratic revolution. Comrade Enver Hoxha said: “The transition from urban – a democratic revolution to socialist revolution can take place only then when the proletariat away decisively the bourgeoisie from power and expropriate. Once in China, the working class divided the power of the civil order, where the bourgeoisie has maintained its prerogatives, the power that was introduced in China, there might be power of the proletariat, and therefore the Chinese revolution could not have evolved into a socialist revolution “(p. 302 -303). And below: “In Chinese society were and are still not economically, politically, ideologically and socially remnants of the past, but are there and the exploiting classes, like classes, which were and still remain in power. The bourgeoisie not only continues there, but also benefit from the income of property had “(p. 305)

Article partner TOMOR CEROVA reproduced in the insert from the magazine “Albania today” No 2 / 1980 analyzes the relations of production in China at the time of Mao Zedong and shows clearly and convincingly, that these were not socialist but capitalist, suggests that the path of development of Chinese economy after 1949 until today, both industry and agriculture was permanently capitalist path of development.

Therefore can not speak for the existence of socialism and dictatorship of the proletariat in China in the era of Mao and “restoration of capitalism” after his death, as do the Maoists revisionist “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party” (Proletarian Flag) “Marxist-Leninist Communist Party (” Left Politics “) and” Movement for the reconstruction of Marxist – Leninist movement “when in China ever built socialism.

The capitalism that prevailed in China in the era of Mao Zedong dominates today there is not and can not be related to the builders of socialism in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin and after Stalin’s death was abolished by Khrushchevite revisionists. The Maoists revisionist defense of “socialism” in China of the Mao era that capitalism can only reject the builders of socialism in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin and being built today in Albania according to the teachings of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin.

They boarded a complete inability to refer to relations of production on property relations, the relations of distribution are socialist in class relations and class now in power and the dictatorship of the proletariat, not dare to openly challenge the existence of socialism in Albania , or prefer to remain silent or resort to a different type of libel: “Without doubt, the implementation of the CRL of a reconciliation – opportunist policy towards the Soviet social imperialism distorts the cause of socialism” (“Theses on the founding conference of the” Movement for reconstruction of the Marxist-Leninist movement, ‘”p. 127, Athens 1984),” now that an approach to leadership metachotzikis Albania and the USSR is very possible and use the old naval bases of the Soviet fleet in the country “( “Left Politics, 15 December 1984) or” Communist Party Marxist-Leninist “(Proletarian Flag) resorting to the sister of revisionist Maoist parties to slander the NAC and Albania.

The Maoists revisionists of our country being able to analyze the economic-social situation in Albania have been transformed into Pythia to predict the future of socialism in Albania, that they now reject it and fight.

The struggle of the Marxists – Leninists against anti-Marxist perceptions of modern revisionists for socialism should be connected closely with the defense of the scientific socialism of Marx – Engels – Lenin – Stalin and prachtiki own construction in the Soviet Union of Lenin – Stalin and the building today in Albania. It must always be connected with the consistent defense and promotion of socialism Albania.

The Revisionists of “K”KE – Social-democrat Papariga: Prima Ballerina of the Greek capital and the EU monopolies

From KKE (1918-55)

“the ideas of perestroika correspond to the requirements of the reorganization of socialism, and contribute significantly to the development of the modern… theory of socialism, socialism has never been more attractive” (A. Papariga, “Pravda” June 25, 1991) (p. 8-9).

“As a concept, perestroika rendered invaluable services to the international movement. Of course, during its development certain difficulties arose about which we are concerned. At any rate, we agree that we should move forward and not go back. Our thesis consists in support and solidarity to CPSU.” (A. Papariga, Moscow, “Rizospastis” 21 June 1991)

Gorbachev-Papariga: The “brave kids” of Nikita Khrushchev (Moscow, June 1991)

Papariga-Kolozov-Trigazis went to Moscow in June 1991 to meet M. Gorbachev and hand him a statue of Hercules for “his herculean effort to build socialism in USSR”

“A solution outside the euro and return to the drachma in the present circumstances would be catastrophic” (A. Papariga, “Rizospastis” 31/5/2011, p.6)

A year and half ago when Papariga was asked by a reporter whether the withdrawal of Greece from the EU is in the moment “a solution”, she gave unequivocal answer with the revelatory “by itself is not a solution” (“Rizospastis” 5/3/2010, p.10), which was commented approvingly by the bourgeoisie media. Papariga trying to justify the stay of the country in the EU revealed that she chooses imperialist bosses, claiming that if Greece goes “outside the European Union,” then “we can go to agreement with the United States and go into another zone” (“Rizospastis” 5/3/2010, p. 10), but of course failed to revive her party’s bourgeoisie twaddle about “people’s power”.

Later in another interview she reiterated: “Now, Euro exit and return to drachma is not essential, moreover, is something the EU can do by itself, it suits EU” (“Rizospastis” 27/10/2010, p. 10) to turn recently in an open mouthpiece, spokesman of the local bourgeoisie, taking-on repeating the “disaster” position (30/5/2011 interview on journalist K.Papadakis): “A solution outside the euro and return to the drachma in the present circumstances would be catastrophic” (“Rizospastis” 31/5/2011, p. 6) – a statement that aired headlines in the capitalist press – and also in herald of the country’s dependence from ‘imperialist EU, along with SYN / SYRIZA and the other bourgeois parties.

Commenting on Papariga’s statement, Stavros Mavroudeas Associate Professor of Political Economy at the University of Macedonia, (and former associate of “Rizospastis”) correctly notes: “This statement has manifold problems. It was given in a situation that now even the polls show that the rejection of the euro and the EU tends to be a majority current in public opinion, and particularly to the lower classes. Especially when it is known how much damage did pro-Euro illusions which systematically cultivated the popular masses by the system for decades. The statement of A. Papariga acts as a brake on these positive developments.

Abandoning the anti-imperialist slogan ” Greece out from the EU right now!”, the social democratic leadership of “K” KE has not only fully aligned with the big capital’s strategic choice to keep our country in the EU, but it has also resigned from the struggle against the imperialist EU. Finally, it went as as far as to raise in public the reactionary flag of the local big capital, the flag of “scaremongering”, crying that “A solution outside the euro and return to the drachma in the present circumstances would be catastrophic”.

Anasintaxi, issue 346 (15-31/5/2011)

KKE (1918-55) & Revolusjon: We owe nothing and we will not pay!

KKE (1918-55) calls for Greece out of the EU

Greece is at boiling point. People are furious. The economic crisis has turned into a political crisis for the social democrat prime minister Papandreou and the bourgeois political institutions. The weeks ahead are piled with crisis meetings and sessions, in the parliament and with the EU, in order to “cope with the crisis”.

The bourgeois media are giving the impression that the greeks are lazy money-wasters and that the EU is in an awkward position having to consider whether or not to “allow” Greece to get even more indebted. In reality this debt has already been paid off by the Greek people, while on the other hand, Germany for example still has not paid war damage compensation to Greece …

Revolusjon has put some questions to a comrade from the Movement for the reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE 1918–1955) in order to get a more precise understanding of the current situation in the country.

– More than half a million people took to the streets in Athens recently against the austerity measures of the government imposed by the EU and IMF. What are their main demands?

– The number of people who went out in the streets, reached half a million on June 15 and tenths of thousands have been on the streets and the squares for more than three weeks in Greece. The main demands can be summarised by the slogan: WE DO NOT OWE – WE DO NOT SELL – WE DO NOT PAY.

In a recent opinion poll 47.5 percent of respondents said they want parliament to reject the reform package. The vast majority of the demonstrators agrees with the debt write-off, that the the troika should go. Moreover, over the last days, more and more people question the country’s membership in the EU.

– There are many similarities to the protests in Spain, however it seems that in Greece the whole population is involved, not only the youth. Is this a correct observation?

– Yes, not only young people participate but, also, older ones who offer all kinds of help; from making photocopies to preparing food. They are trying to balance the enthusiasm of the younger ones and convey their own experience from the struggles of the Greek people, under the guidance of the Communist Party, in the ranks of the National Liberation Front during the Second World War, the Greek Democratic Army and, later, the United Democratic Left. However, it is the youth that is in the first line. Everybody wants the youth to lead and there is hope in them. The movement has a great potential to spread even more.

– Would you say that the situation has led to a radicalization within the trade union movement, or is it still being controlled by reformist and revisionist bureaucracy?

– The trade union movement is still under the control of social-democrats and reformists. But it is the first time that the local trade unions pressed the reformist leaderships to call a 48-hour strike – the first in decades – and joint rallies around the risen squares.

– The Greek public opinion used to be in favour of the Euro and the EU. Now this has changed. Do you believe it possible that Greece might leave the EU and reinstate the Drachma?

– From the middle of the last decade, due to constant price rises, the request to return back to the Drachma (the former Greek currency) was maturing. Now the request is supported by the majority of Greek citizens. Also, shortly before the outbreak of the demonstrations, polls showed that 27 per cent of the people questioned the abidance of Greece in the EU. Through these demonstrations and the discussions that have developed, this demand also is gaining momentum. Already in recent resolutions of the squares the EU is clearly disputed.

– In Greece you have a strong party posing as “communist”, even “orthodox communist”, the KKE. What role does this party play in the protests, and does it support withdrawal from the EU?

– This party immediately distanced itself from the protests. Not only did it not support them, but leading KKE cadres spoke with derogatory words about the movement; they said, for example, that it is not politically mature, that it does not pose a threat to the political system etc. KKE does not support withdrawal from the EU, even if sometimes they claim the opposite in foreign media, because it has totally accepted the strategic decision of the Greek capital to keep the country within this imperialist union. The KKE General Secretary, A. Papariga recently stated that: “A solution outside the Euro and return to the drachma in the present circumstances would be catastrophic” (Rizospastis 31/5/2011, p.6., can also be found here).

– How about the other leftist forces?

– Most of the left forces do not seem to grasp the political importance of the developing popular movement. Some of them take an openly hostile attitude to it, others try to undermine it using various means and others don’t do anything essential to support it. No left political organisation agitates for the withdrawal of Greece from EU and Euro. There are forces such as SYN/SYRIZA sowing illusions about transforming EU into an institution that supports peoples’ interests. Others, like the Maoist revisionist parties relegate the question of the country’s withdrawal from the EU into the future. We are the only left political organization that has put forward the slogan “IMMEDIATE EXIT FROM EU-EMU-EURO”.

– Until 1974 Greece was a military NATO-dictatorship and the reactionary forces are still active. Do you see any danger coming from the right and the fascist elements?

– It is important to point out that, during the last decades, there has been a process of fascist transformation of the Greek society, promoted by the state through all possible means and tolerated, or even, supported by the bourgeois and revisionist parties. This process has made certain progress because of the absence of massive popular movements. It is impossible that the people demonstrating in the squares have not been affected. Significant parts of the population are influenced by racist views. In the beginning, some worried that fascist-racist views will prevail in the rallies. But the people’s meetings adopted the clear-cut position that the fascists and the racists do not have any place in the squares. Now and then, small groups of fascists make their appearance, but they are immediately excluded from the crowd. Anyway, it is quite difficult for them to gain any ground in the rallies because the Nazi-fascist party, the Popular Orthodox Rally (LAOS), of the parliament has voted for the Memorandum which abolishes the country’s national sovereignty.

– Is there any way the working class and progressive forces elsewhere in Europe could support the current struggle of the working people of Greece?

– Yes. Initially, they must make clear that the demonstrations in Greece are against the anti-popular measures the government puts forward. In addition, they need to organise campaigns to inform the other peoples that the money given to Greece has been returned to their countries many times and that the terms and debt imposed on the country threaten its sovereignty and its prospects for economic development. Finally, all people have to realise that if the new measures pass and the loan treaty is not annulled, they will face a two-fold threat:

1) The fall of the living standards and the drop of the wages in Greece will definitely result in similar harsh austerity policies in their own countries.

2) There will be the legal precedent of the bankers abolishing national sovereignty that can be used to do the same in other countries.

A more detailed analysis of the Greek situation and the positions of the Marxist-Leninists can be found here.

Political declaration of the European Regional Meeting of the ICMLPO, Copenhagen, May, 2011

Let us prepare for the sharpening of the class struggle

In the capitalist world still in deep crisis, the wind of popular revolts and of revolution is coming from the Maghreb and countries of the Middle East. The people of these countries have risen up, one after the other, against regimes of tyranny, often sold out to imperialism. They are struggling for democracy; they want to live in dignity, to work, study and contribute to the development of their country and to get rid of the corrupt regimes that have enriched themselves at their expense by selling the country and its wealth to the imperialist powers.

The revolution began in Tunisia. The resistance of the working class, of the youths, peasants, democrats and popular sectors was organized in spite of the ferocious repression of Ben Ali’s regime, supported until the last minute by its imperialist godfathers.

In this fight, the Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia (PCOT) has played an essential leading role. Together with other forces, it is struggling today in order for this revolutionary process to continue to its end. It is the Tunisian revolution that expelled Ben Ali. It encouraged other people of the Maghreb and the Middle East to rise up. From Egypt to Yemen, from Morocco to Syria, movements have developed, provoking a large movement of sympathy among the workers, youth and peoples all over the world.

The imperialist powers that consider this region as their private hunting ground have been taken by surprise. They pretend to support these popular movements, in order to try to make use of them for their own interests. In Libya they have found forces ready to collaborate with them, and Sarkozy, Cameron and Obama launched a war that is plunging this country into chaos. For the first time in its history, NATO is intervening militarily in this region, to show the will of the imperialist powers to halt the popular movements and to establish their total control of all of Libya’s resources, especially oil, gas and water. They are also interested in Libya’s geostrategic position on the African continent and in the Mediterranean region.

As the G-8 summit has shown, the big imperialist powers are speaking of “helping” these people, but they are trying to enchain them with debts. Today the debt mechanism is an essential instrument of the neocolonial policy of imperialism. We denounce this policy of enslavement and say that on the contrary, these people do not need new debts.

It is not over yet, but with these movements, the class struggle has taken a new dimension, a new scale internationally. These people are standing up and are giving a new breath to the revolution, to the fight for national and social emancipation. They have shown that it is the people who make history and that a people united can overturn the imperialist order, can overthrow dictatorships.

The idea of the revolution is again on the agenda

The working class, the toiling people, the youth and the peoples of the world are in solidarity with this fight that inspires and stimulates them to reinforce their struggle against the capitalist imperialist system that makes them pay for its crisis. Far from being over, much less overcome, a new crisis is threatening to explode: the state debt crisis, especially in the EU. The financial oligarchy, the monopolies have put the States into debt in order to save the financial system, the banks and big monopolies. For this, billions in public money, taken from the social budgets, have been used. At the same time, wages have been lowered, and misery and precariousness have struck ever larger sectors of the masses.

The financial markets are speculating on the bankruptcy of States; they are demanding more austerity, new privatizations and new cutbacks in social rights. In order to save Euro, the leaders of big powers in the EU, the IMF and the ECB [European Central Bank] want to impose a mega-austerity plan; the so-called “stabilization plan”, which, in reality, will push even more workers of the cities and the countryside, the youths and working women into misery and insecurity, and will increase the super-exploitation in the companies. To impose such a policy of social regression, the governments of the right, social democrats and social liberals are reinforcing the reactionary laws in order to criminalize the developing social struggle. They do not hesitate to copy the racist themes of the extreme right parties which are developing a populist propaganda. We denounce the reinforcement of “fortress” Europe and say: “it is not the immigrants who should be expelled, but Sarkozy, Berlusconi and company!”

The working class, popular masses and peoples are resisting, refusing to pay for the crisis of the capitalist system.

In several countries, the youths, who are the first victim of mass unemployment and precariousness, are taking to the streets and occupying public places in cities, shouting their anger at a society that has no future to offer them. In all the countries, from Greece to the United Kingdom, from Portugal to Italy, from Ireland to Spain, the working class and popular masses are demonstrating; resisting, expressing their refusal to pay for the crisis of the system.

We are working to develop this resistance, to develop the international solidarity and to merge these fronts of struggle into a general challenge to the capitalist system, which is responsible for the crisis, wars and accidents, as the one at the Fukushima nuclear plant. It is the race for maximum profit that is sacrificing the security of the workers and peoples. We support the struggles of the workers and peoples of Europe who refuse to pay for the debts of the capitalist and we say that it is the rich, the speculators and big shareholders who must pay for them.

We support the struggles against privatization and liquidation of public services, in health, education, social protection…

We support the strikes and struggles of the workers for higher wages, the mobilizations against layoffs, against lowering of wages and worsening of social conditions.

We appeal to reinforce in each country and internationally the combat against the “pact of stabilization”.

We denounce and combat racism and struggle for equality of rights, between all the workers, which permits to struggle together against our common enemies.

We denounce imperialism’s war policy and call for solidarity with the struggles of the peoples in the Maghreb and the Middle East.

We call for a large movement of solidarity with the revolutionary process in Tunisia and for support to our fraternal party, the PCOT.

We are working to unite the forces that oppose the policy of the bourgeoisie and reaction, the policy of imperialist war, for building fronts in the struggles, among the rank-and-file, in action.

The class struggle has accelerated in a few months

We appeal to the working class, the youths, the toilers of the city and countryside, the women of the popular sectors, to intensify their struggles to defend their social and political rights and gains.

We call on the political and social organizations that want to break with this system, for social change, to prepare themselves for the new developments in the class struggle, for the battles and confrontations at a higher level.

Copenhagen, May 2011

Solidarity With the Struggle of the Arab Peoples!

We, the parties and organizations of Europe that are members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), affirm that the popular uprisings in North Africa and the Near East have been caused by the terrible material conditions of life of the popular masses and the imposition of despotic regimes in those countries.

These conditions have objectively gotten worse as a result of the worldwide crisis of capitalism.

There are deep problems related to the question of democracy, and above all to the social question, the exploitation, poverty and inequality, created by the imperialist policy of looting and oppression of the peoples of the dependent countries.

These democratic and revolutionary processes are continuing, fighting to overthrow the despotic regimes and reactionary forces, to completely eliminate the privileges of the oligarchies, to win political liberties, to break the dependence on imperialism and to open the perspective of a new society.

These events demonstrate the revolutionary abilities of the peoples of the dependent countries, of the oppressed young people, who are the real protagonists of the process in motion.

These are very important for the proletariat, because they weaken the positions of capitalism; they can transform the dependent countries from reserves of imperialism into reserves of the proletarian revolution.

These movements in general have a progressive nature and offer precious lessons for the international proletariat, because they educate the exploited through struggle, and they instill confidence in their own one force and again put the idea of the revolution on the agenda.

We resolutely support the revolutionary and liberation movements of the oppressed peoples, which strengthen the international front of struggle against imperialism. In particular we must support the democratic revolution of the Tunisian people against the dictatorship of Ben Ali, a revolution in which the Communist Party of the Workers of Tunisia (PCOT) is playing an important role, acting with decisiveness and clarity of ideas in this revolutionary process.

Imperialism is trying to crush or control these revolutionary processes by various means, among others economic suffocation. Therefore we propose to carry out a broad campaign of international solidarity to demand the cancellation of Tunisia’s foreign debt. This debt is an important weapon in the hands of imperialism to strangle the peoples and maintain the countries in conditions of dependency.

From the beginning of the popular revolts, imperialism, particularly U.S. imperialism and the European powers such as France, Great Britain, Italy, Norway, Spain, etc., have intervened in the region, directly or indirectly, to regain control and take advantage of the situation.

The war that the imperialist powers are carrying out in Libya through their military arm, NATO, is a reactionary, imperialist war of looting of the dependent countries, of social and national oppression, to suffocate the revolutionary movements.

Its objectives are: to install a puppet government in Libya that will allow them to obtain advantageous prices of petroleum, gas and water; the appropriation of Libya’s financial wealth; to take control of a strategic area, preventing and drowning the popular revolutions; and to expel other rival capitalist powers from the region.

This is the first time that NATO has intervened in this region, and this is part of its new strategy to control the region and the continent. We must unmask and reject NATO’s criminal policy of war and terror, in which the EU is also taking part.

We demand the immediate end of the war, the withdrawal of the imperialist armed forces from Libya, Afghanistan and Iraq; we demand withdrawal from NATO and the EU, the closing of U.S. military bases, the use of public money for social service and assistance and not for war. We will pursue a policy of peace and solidarity with the peoples in struggle.

We support the development of the popular movement and defend the sovereignty and national independence of every country. We denounce the interference and threats of new imperialist interventions especially in Syria.

We reaffirm our solidarity with the Palestinian people and the population of Gaza who are suffering from a cruel blockade, organized by the racist State of Israel, and we demand its immediate end. We support the fight of the Palestinian people for effective recognition of their full national rights. We condemn the criminal Zionist policy and at the same time we denounce the complicity of the EU with Israel on the political, economic and military level.

We demand the end of the racist and xenophobic policy against immigrants, a policy that extends across Europe; we denounce the militarization of the Mediterranean by the imperialist powers that at the same time speak hypocritically about human rights.

We denounce the parallel that the reactionary forces are making between Islam and terrorism.

We say No to the maneuvers of the European Commission in its relations with the African countries, to the policy of free markets, to privatization and the destruction of public services!

Long live the struggle and international solidarity of the peoples!

Copenhagen, May 2011

Nuclear power and capitalism are a lethal combination!

The Fukushima meltdown disaster proves once again that our environment and the safety of the workers and people may be sacrificed because of the greed for maximum profit that reigns under the capitalist mode of production.

The nuclear lobby has consistently told lies, claiming that nuclear power is “entirely safe”. Fukushima, Chernobyl and Harrisburg prove the opposite. This proof is emphasized by the fact that the financial insurance monopolies themselves refuse to insure nuclear plants.

Even if the plants were “safe”, this still would not solve the problem of toxic radioactive waste. This waste is poisoning oceans and rivers every day. Uranium and plutonium lie unprotected in contaminated areas, and inside the nuclear plants themselves.

Nuclear power is expensive and a limited source of energy.

The safety of the workers in the nuclear power plants and of the people in the nearby areas is ignored. They are forced to work in contaminated areas, and are the first to suffer when accidents occur.

Because of the first strike strategy of the NATO alliance, Europe is also being polluted by hundreds of missiles with nuclear warheads belonging to different atomic powers, mainly the USA. These are a potential disaster for all, friend or “foe”. The peoples should demand that such weapons be banned from their territory, as some countries already have done.

The civil use of atomic energy originated as a by-product of military production. Even today, the civilian and military sectors are intertwined. The military and police are always involved in safeguarding the nuclear energy plants, making them into semi-militarized zones. In this way, faults and accidents can also be kept secret from the public, totally undermining democracy.

Our immediate demands are therefore:
1) Immediate start of renewable and sustainable energy production.
2) Immediate closure of all old nuclear plants.
3) No to new nuclear plants.
4) Existing plants must shut down as soon as possible

These demands are entirely just and reasonable. The peoples do not want to be dependent on nuclear power. The people of Italy have demanded a referendum to reject construction of new nuclear plants in their country; in Sardinia 97 precent of the voters said no to nuclear power in a recent consultative referendum.

We demand that the monopolies responsible for the pollution and contaminated waste resulting from the nuclear industry be compelled to pay all costs of the devastation and of dismantling of old power plants.

We still do not know the long-term consequences of the disaster in Fukushima. When a catastrophe of such a dimension occurs in a highly advanced country like Japan, similar disasters may occur anywhere. Capitalism and imperialism are incompatible with safeguarding our environment; this system is incompatible with a sustainable future.

Copenhagen, May 2011

Long live the combative youth!

The youth in Spain are continuing their action in Madrid, Barcelona and dozens of other cities in that country. In Spain, where more than 40% of young people are unemployed, the youth are in the streets for their essential and vital demands. The youth are calling for jobs, a sufficient income, housing, the right to training and education for all, etc.

The youth have united around the slogan “Real Democracy Now!” which expresses their dissatisfaction with the destruction caused by the capitalist system of exploitation and are launching a cry of revolt against it.

The capitalist system is experiencing one of its deepest crises in a century. As always, the bill is presented to the workers, who are in no way responsible for the outbreak of this crisis, while the monopolies and the banks are filling their pockets and coffers. The weight of the crisis is being placed not only on the backs of the oppressed peoples and nations of the world, but also on the backs of the workers and peoples of the advanced capitalist countries. The youth are particularly subjected to these attacks and, as such, they have taken their place at the forefront of this struggle.

By their dynamism, the youth are in the front ranks of the fight, to defend their own demands and contribute their strength, energy and enthusiasm to the previous generations.

The youth of Spain and of all Europe, ready to follow that example, wish to have the best conditions of work and life; they do not want to be condemned to more precarious conditions than those of their parents.

We, as Marxist-Leninist parties of Europe, members of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO), highly value and warmly salute the fight of the youth of Spain. We think that the demands of this movement. in which the communist youth are playing an active role, are very reasonable, achievable and necessary.

We call on the youth of all Europe, and particularly those of Greece, Portugal, Ireland and Great Britain, who have been the object of virulent attacks by capital, to be inspired by the example of the youth of Spain, by their rebellion against exploitation, against reaction, against social injustice, and bring this movement forward.

Since the youth are condemned to live “without work, without a roof, without a future,” they will prove, through their mobilization, that they are able to live “without fear!”

Long live the combative youth!

The youth are the future, the future is socialism!

Copenhagen May 2011

European Regional Meeting of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations (ICMLPO)
Workers’ Communist Party of Denmark – APK
Communist Party of the Workers of France – PCOF
Organization for the Reconstruction of the Communist Party of Greece (1918-1955)
Communist Platform of Italy
Marxist-Leninist Organization Revolution of Norway (Revolusjon)
Communist Party of Spain (Marxist-Leninist) – PCE(m-l)
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey – TDKP
Organization for the construction of a Workers’ Communist Party of Germany (Arbeit Zukunft)

“Unity & Struggle” No. 22 Released


Issue #22 of “Unity and Struggle” has been released. Unity & Struggle (Unidad y Lucha in Spanish) is the theoretical organ of the ICMLPO, or the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties & Organizations.

The 22nd edition numbers 166 pages in the Spanish version and has been published in Spanish, English, French, Turkish, Portuguese and Arabic.

Download this issue (in Spanish)

TABLE OF CONTENTS OF ISSUE 22:

Brazil
Long live 140 years since the Paris Commune!
Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil (PCR)

Burkina Faso
Questions regarding the situation in South Africa and Côte d’Ivoire
Revolutionary Communist Party of Upper Volta (PCRV)

Chile
The potential for confusion is constantly narrowing
Communist Party of Chile (Proletarian Action) PC (AP)

Denmark
Greetings from Copenhagen, Denmark at the World Conference on Women’s Day in Caracas, Venezuela
Communist Workers’ Party of Denmark (APK)

Ecuador
The responsibility for organizing and carrying out the revolution is the work and the main objective of PCMLE
Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE)

Spain
The popular front: A tool for the current situation
Spanish Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist) PCE (ml)

France
The peoples of the Maghreb and the Middle East
Communist Workers’ Party of France (PCOF)

Greece
Unilaterally stop payment of the entire debt outside Greece by Euro-EMU-EU
Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party 1918-55

Italy
Today, like yesterday, break with reformism and opportunism to set up a real Communist Party
Communist Platform

Mexico
The Soviets (workers councils), their role and their contribution to the proletarian revolution
Mexican Communist Party (Marxist Leninist)

Norway
The popular uprising for a living, democracy and national self-determination in Arabia is problematic to the imperialists and their stooges
Marxist-Leninist Organization “Revolution”

Dominican Republic
The Left is a minority
Communist Party of Labour of the Dominican Republic (PCT)

Tunisia
Interview with Hamma Hammami, spokesperson and member of the Workers Communist Party of Tunisia
Communist Party of Tunisian Workers (PCOT)

Turkey
Turkish Foreign Policy: Illusions and Reality
Revolutionary Communist Party of Turkey (PCRT)

Venezuela
Amid the crisis, spread our theory, a project of great importance
Marxist Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela (PCMLV)